
Class. 
Book. 



lib 1 1 



I 



coos 



AN ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCH 



BY 



LEO J, FRACHTENBERG 



EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN 
LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF BUREAU OF 
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) 




WASHINGTON 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OPEIOE 
1914 



coos 



AN ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCH 



BY 



LEO J. FRACHTENBERG 






EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN 

LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF BUREAU OF 

AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) 




I 

WASHINGTON 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFEIOE 
1914 



D, OF D, 
TB 14 1914 



4$ 



/, 



#\ 






coos 

BY 

LEO J. ERACHTEKBERG 



297 



CONTENTS 



Page 

Introduction 303 

§ 1. Distribution and history 305 

§§2-14. Phonology 306 

§2. Vowels 306 

§ 3. Consonants 306 

§ 4. Sound groupings 307 

§ 5. Accent 309 

§§ 6-14. Phoneticlaws 310 

§6. Introductory 310 

§§ 7-11. Vocalic processes 310 

§ 7. Vocalic harmony 310 

§ 8. Consonantization of i- and u- diphthongs 312 

§9. Contraction 313 

§ 10. Hiatus 314 

§ 11. Processes due to change from terminal to medial position 315 

§§ 12-14. Consonantic processes 316 

§ 12. Types of consonantic processes 316 

§ 13. Consonantic euphony 316 

§ 14. Simplification of doubled consonants 317 

§ 15. Grammatical processes 317 

§ 16. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 318 

§§ 17-95. Morphology 319 

§§ 17-24. Prefixes 319 

§ 17. The articles Ie and hs 319 

§ 18. The personal pronouns 321 

§ 19. Inchoative ga- 322 

§20. Privative k'Ja- 323 

§ 21. Adverbial n- 323 

§ 22. Locative x- 323 

§ 23. Discriminative x- 324 

§ 24. Modal and instrumental x- 325 

§§25-80. Suffixes 326 

§ 25. General remarks 326 

§§ 26-55. Verbal suffixes 328 

§§26-27. Transitive suffixes 328 

§26. Transitive -t, -ts 328 

§ 27. Causative -lyat 331 

§§28-31. Intransitive suffixes 332 

§28. Intransitive -aai 332 

§29. Reciprocal -meV 332 

299 



300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§§ 17-95. Morphology — Continued Page 
§§ 25-80. Suffixes— Continued 

§§ 26-55. Verbal suffixes — Continued 

§§ 28-31. Intransitive suffixes — Continued 

§ 30. Suffixes defining the subject -qEm, -xEm; -u; -em 332 

§ 31. Neutral -I, -e* 334 

§§ 32-35. Semi-temporal suffixes 335 

§ 32. Inchoative -Iwe 335 

§ 33. Frequentatives -e hva(t) -&*wa(t) 336 

§ 34. Frequentative causative -ae iwat 337 

§ 35. Transitionals -lye, -nts, -u 338 

§§36-43. Modal suffixes 1. 340 

§36. Modal -tc 340 

§ 37. Distributives -rwM, -ni; -am; -ay am; -waq 341 

§§38-42. The passive voice 343 

§ 38. Present passive -u 343 

§ 39. Past passive -ayu, -e h/u, -lyu 344 

§40. Passive -lyeqEm 344 

§ 41 . Causative passive -eet, -et; -lyEm 345 

§ 42. The passive participle -ayau 347 

§43. The imperative 347 

§§44-45. Verbalizing suffixes 349 

§44. Auxiliary -e (-a) 349 

§45. Verbal -em .' 349 

§§46-50. Pronominal suffixes : 350 

§ 46. Transitive subject and object pronouns 350 

§ 47. Transitive verbs in -aya 352 

§ 48. Subject and object pronouns of verbs in -aya 354 

§ 49. Transitive verbs in -a 354 

§ 50. Verbs in -anaya with direct and indirect object pronoun . 355 

§§51-54. Plural formations 356 

§ 51. General remarks 356 

§52. Eeflexive plural -u 357 

§ 53. Causative passive plural -lyEm : 358 

§ 54. Direct plural object -Hex 358 

§ 55. Miscellaneous suffixes - 359 

§§ 56-80. Nominal suffixes 360 

§ § 56-65. General nominalizing suffixes 360 

§56. Nominal -is 360 

§ 57. Nouns of quality in -es, -tEs, -enis 361 

§ 58. Nouns of location in -Em 362 

§ 59. Verbal abstract -dwas, -ne iwas 362 

§ 60. Verbal nouns in -onis, -si 363 

§ 61. Nouns of quantity in -in 364 

§ 62. Nouns of agency in -ayawa, -eyawe, -lyawa 364 

§ 63. Nominalizing suffix indicating place, -is 365 

§ 64. Nominalizing suffix indicating locality, -ume 365 

§ 65. Terms of relationship in -ate (-ate) 365 

§ 66. Suffixes -ex, -lyEX, vyetEx 367 

§§67-70. Adverbial suffixes 367 

§67. Local and modal -eke, -itc 367 

§ 68. Local suffix, indicating motion, -etc 369 

§69. Local -ewitc 370 

§70. Instrumental -Etc 370 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES 301 

§§ 17-95. Morphology — Continued Page 
§§ 25-80. Suffixes— Continued 

§§ 56-80. Nominal suffixes — Continued 

§ 71. Superlative -eyim 371 

§ 72. Distributive -ini 371 

§ 73. Interrogative -u 372 

§§ 74-77. Numeral suffixes 372 

§ 74. Ordinal 4s 372 

§ 75. Multiplicative -en 373 

§ 76. Ordinal-multiplicative -entcis 373 

§ 77. Distributive -hina 374 

§§ 78-79. Plural formations 374 

§ 78. Irregular plurals 374 

§ 79. Plural of terms of relationship, -lyas 375 

§ 80. Minor suffixes 375 

§§ 81-83. Reduplication 377 

§ 81. Introductory 377 

§ 82. Initial reduplication 377 

§ 83. Final reduplication _ 380 

§§ 84-85. Phonetic changes 382 

§ 84. Vocalic changes 382 

§ 85. Consonantic changes 383 

§§ 86-95. Syntactic particles 383 

§86. Introductory 383 

§87. Temporal particles 383 

§ 88, Particles denoting degrees of certainty and knowledge 385 

§ 89. Particles denoting connection with previously expressed ideas.. 389 

§ 90. Particles denoting emotional states 3S9 

§ 91. Particles denoting the conditional 391 

§ 92. Exhortative particles 392 

§ 93. Particles denoting emphasis 393 

§ 94. Restrictive particles 394 

§ 95. The interrogative particle l 394 

§§ 96-100. The pronoun 395 

§ 96. The independent personal pronouns 395 

§§ 97-98. The possessive pronouns 396 

§ 97. The sign of possession, ii 396 

§ 98. The possessive pronouns proper 398 

§ 99. The reflexive pronouns 400 

§ 100. The demonstrative pronouns 400 

§§ 101-102. The numeral 403 

§ 101. The cardinals 403 

§ 102. The decimal system 404 

§§ 103-106. The adverb 404 

§ 103. Introductory 404 

§ 104. Local adverbs and phrases 405 

§ 105. Temporal adverbs 405 

§ 106. Modal adverbs .. 406 

§§ 107-112. Particles 407 

§ 107. Introductory 407 

§ 108. Pronominal particles 407 

§ 109. Numeral particles 409 

§ 110. Conjunctions 409 

§ 111. Interjections 410 

§ 112. Miscellaneous particles 410 



302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Page 

§ 113. Thestem itse'ts 411 

§ 114. Verbs as adjectives 412 

§ 115. Nouns as qualifiers 412 

§ 116. Vocabulary 412 

§ 117. Structure of sentences 414 

§ 118. Idiomatic expressions 415 

Texts 419 



INTRODUCTION 

The material on which this account of the Coos language is based 
was collected at the Siletz reservation, Oregon, during the summer of 
1909. I obtained nineteen complete myths and other texts with inter- 
linear translations, and linguistic material consisting chiefly of forms, 
phrases, and sentences. 1 have also had at my disposal a number of 
texts and grammatical notes collected by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d, 
during the summer of 1903, which were of great assistance on many 
points. 

This material was obtained chiefly from James Buchanan and Frank 
Drew, both of whom proved to be intelligent and reliable informants. 
To the former especially I am indebted for the complete and rich 
collection of myths and texts, while the latter was my chief source of 
information on points of grammar and lexicography. Frank Drew's 
untiring efforts and almost perfect command of English made him a 
very valuable interpreter, in spite of the fact that this advantage was 
offset in a great many cases by his knowledge of the Hanis and Miluk 
dialects of the Coos, and by his inability to draw a dividing-line 
between the two dialects. Hence his information was very often con- 
tradictory, and showed many discrepancies; but, on the whole, he 
was found trustworthy and reliable. 

In conclusion I wish to express my deep gratitude to my teacher, 
Professor Franz Boas, for the many valuable suggestions made in 
connection with this work, and for the keen and unceasing interest 
which he has taken in me during the many years of our acquaintance. 
It was at his suggestion that this work was undertaken; and its com- 
pletion is due mainly to the efforts and encouragement received from 
him. He it was who first imbued me with an enthusiasm for the 
primitive languages of the North American continent, and the debt 
which I owe him in this and in a great many other respects will be of 
everlasting duration. 

Columbia University, 
April, 1910. 

303 



coos 

By Leo J. Frachtenberg 

§ 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY 

The Kusan stock embraces a number of closely related dialects 
that were spoken by the people inhabiting (until 1857) Coos bay and 
the region along the Coos river. Their neighbors were Siuslauan, 1 
Kalapuyan, and Athapascan tribes. On the north they came in con- 
tact with the Umpqua 1 Indians, on the east they bordered on the 
Kalapuya, while on the south they were contiguous to the Rogue 
river tribes, especially the Coquelle. 2 In 1857, when the Rogue river 
war broke out, the United States Government, acting in self-defence, 
removed the Coos Indians to Port Umpqua. Four years later they 
were again transferred to the Yahatc reservation, where they 
remained until 1876. On the 26th day of April, 1876, Yahatc was 
thrown open to white settlers, and the Indians of that reservation 
were asked to move to Siletz; but the Coos Indians, tired of the 
tutelage of the United States Indian agents, refused to conform with 
the order, and emigrated in a body to the mouth of the Siuslaw river, 
where the majority of them are still living. 

Of the two principal dialects, Hanis and Miluk, 3 the latter is now 
practically extinct; while the former is still spoken by about thirty 
individuals, whose number is steadily decreasing. As far as can be 
judged from the scanty notes on Miluk collected by Mr. St. Clair in 
1903, this dialect exhibits only in a most general way the character- 
istic traits of the Kusan stock. Otherwise it is vastly different from 
Hanis in etymological and even lexicographical respects. 

The name "Coos" is of native origin. It is derived from the redu- 
plicated stem hu'kwis south, which appears very often in phrases like 
xkukwVsume from where south is, JcusEml'tdto southwards, etc. 

i Erroneously classified by Powell as part of the Yakonan family. My recent investigations show 
Siuslaw to form an independent linguistic group consisting of two distinct dialects,— Lower Umpqua 
and Siuslaw. A grammatical sketch of the former dialect will be found in this volume. 

2 An Athapascan tribe li ving on the upper course of the Coquelle river. 

3 Spoken on the lower part of the Coquelle river, and commonly called Lower Coquelle. 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 20 305 



306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The Coos call their own language ha'rtis Lle'yis the hanis tongue. 
The present work deals with this dialect only, as sufficient material 
could not be obtained for the purpose of writing a grammar of the 
Miluk dialect. 

Texts of myths and tales were collected by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d, 
and by the author of the present sketch, and were published by Colum- 
bia University. 1 All references accompanying examples refer to page 
and line of that publication. 

PHONOLOGY (§§ 2-14) 
§ 2. Vowels 

The phonetic system of Coos is rich and fully developed. Clusters 
of consonants occur very frequently, but are void of difficult compli- 
cations. The vowels show a high degree of variability, and occur in 
short and long quantities. The obscure vowel e is very frequent, 
and seems to be related to short e and a. Resonance vowels occur 
very often, and are indicated in this work by superior vowels. The 
diphthongs are quite variable. Long e is not a pure vowel, but glides 
from e to 1; it can hardly be distinguished from long £, to which 
it seems to be closely related. In the same manner long o glides 
from o to u, and was heard often as a long u- vowel. 

The following may be said to be the Coos system of vowels and 
diphthongs: 

Vowels Semi-vowels Diphthongs 

E 

a e i i o u u w, y ai, a u , e u 

a a e 1 o u e l o n 

Short e is pronounced like e in the English word helmet, while the 
umlauted a corresponds to the open e- vowel in German wahlen. It 
very often occurs as the umlauted form of long a. % represents the 
short y- vowel so commonly found in the Slavic languages; while 4 
indicates exceedingly short, almost obscure u. o can not occur after 
the palatal surd k and fortis h!. 

§ 3. Consonants 

The conson antic system of Coos is characterized by the prevalence 
of the sounds of the h and I series, by the frequent occurrence of 

1 Coos Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 1. 

§§ 2-3 : 



£ _ _ _ 

_ _ _ xx> 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 307 

aspiration, by the abundance of long (double) consonants I, m, n, and y, 
and by the semi-vocalic treatment of the nasals m, n, and of the lateral 
sounds (indicated in this sketch by a circle under the consonant). 
Surds and sonants were not always pronounced distinctly, especially 
in the alveolar series. No aspirated consonants were found besides 
the aspirated f and k\ The fortis is pronounced with moderate air- 
pressure and glottal and nasal closure. 
The system of consonants may be represented as follows: 

Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal 

Velar (g f) q q! y, x 

Palatal g, g(w) k, k(w) &/, h! (w) - - 

Anterior palatal g' k' Tc'l x' 

Alveolar d t, £ t! s, c n, n 

Affricative {$&$)* dj &» ^c ts!, to/ - - 

Labial b jp j?f - m 9 m 

Lateral l l l! 1,1,1 - 

Glottal stop 

Aspiration.- 

y,y h w 

The glottal stop, when not inherent in the stem, may occur inde- 
pendently only before Z, m, n, and w. It always disappears before 
velar and palatal sounds. The aspiration is always accompanied by a 
stricture corresponding to the quality of the vowel preceding it. 
After a, 0, and u (and u diphthongs) it is of a guttural character; while 
when following <?, ^-vowels, or the ^'-diphthongs, it becomes palatal. 
It disappears before a following w or y. 

nha u ' x ts I make it 10.4 nha u we if wat I have it 18.4 

is soHUafnl we two trade mu- 
tually 15.6 

tilo ux ta'ya I am watching it IdivUl'yeqEm he took care 66.3 
26.11 

pl' x 'pi he went home 28.2 xplye'etc backwards, homewards 

42.7 

qai x 'qa'ydna!ya he became 
afraid of it 42.3 

§ 4. Sound Groupings 

As has been stated before, clusters of consonants are extensive, but 
present few complications. Whenever difficulties arise in pronoun- 
cing them, there is a strong tendency, inherent in the language, to 

§ 4 



308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

simplify them. Thus, combinations of more than two consonants are 
rare, except in cases where one of the component elements (fre- 
quently the middle consonant) is m, w, or one of the lateral series. 
Such combinations are made possible through the semi- vocalic charac- 
ter of these consonants. I have also found xpq, xcx'. 

helq- to arrive halqtsd u 'wat she would bring it 

to him 72.8 
a'lqas fear 66.4 aqalqsitd uf wat he scared him 

92.20 
dE'msit prairie 22. 12 dEmste'tc through a prairie 22. 11 

In the same manner initial clusters, of which m, ?i, or I is the first 
element, are syllabified by vocalization of the first consonant either 
initially or terminally. A similar process takes place in clusters con- 
sisting of two consonants that belong to the same group. 

The only consonantic combinations that are inadmissible are those 
of a t, ts or s + m or n. 

Terminal clusters of three consonants ape admissible only in cases 
where one of the component elements is a consonant easily subject to 
vocalization (a lateral, m or n). 

Vnq 7.5 qa'mlt 102,16 

yixa'ntcnts 60.3 tqa'nLts 28.1 

Terminal clusters of two consonants are confined to the combina- 
tions of m + £, m + s, m-f x; n + alveolar or affricative, n + k\ ti + l; 
I + alveolar or affricative (excepting l + n), l + m; l + t and l + te. All 
other combinations are inadmissible (see §11). 

The following examples of terminal sound groupings may be given: 

L!e' x 'simt 74.19 % l lt 7.8 

hata'yi7ns 20.14 milt! 76.12 

yi'xumx 122.22 tcils 

k'/int 5.2 le'Hdj 

xwandj 6.8 he' wilts 140.14 

k/wints 96.11 tc/Utc! 26.26 

Ldwe'entc 6.1 tk'elm 136.7 (St. Clair) 

denk' 82.9 xalt 10.9 

hariL 7.1 qe'lte 6.4 

An exceptional instance of a usually inadmissible sound grouping 
was found in xyi'helq 20.21. 

§ 4 . 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 309 

All inadmissible terminal clusters are avoided through the insertion 
of a (weak) vowel between the two final consonants. 

dEmst- dE'msit prairie 22.12 

helq- he'laq he arrived 20.18 

zhinp- Lhi'nap he went through 22.11 

milx- mi'lax lunch 28.15 

alq- + -s (§ 25) a'lqas fear 66.4 

vAnq- + -s (§25) wi'nqas mat, spider 58.5 

Inadmissible medial clusters are avoided through the insertion of a 
weak vowel or vowels: 

winq- + -xEin wina'qaxEm it is spread out 32. 14 

helq- + -xEm helafqaxEm it is the end 44.14 

Inq- + -a ux Ina'qa they two went down 

8.4 



§ 5. Accent 

With the exception of the monosyllabic particles, that are either 
enclitic or proclitic, each word in Coos has its stress accent, designated 
by the acute mark (') or by the rising tone rendered here by ^. The 
former accent is not inseparably associated with any particular sylla- 
ble of a word. It may, especially in cases of polysyllabic stems, be 
shifted freely from one syllable to another, although it is very possi- 
ble that this apparent shifting of accent may be largely due to the 
rapidity with which the words in question were pronounced by the 
natives. The circumflex accent appears mostly on the last syllable, 
and may best be compared with the intonation given to the word so 
in the English interrogative sentence Is that so ? 

The accent very often modifies the syllable on which it falls by 
lending a specific coloring to the vowel, or by making it appear with 
a long quantity. This is especially the case in syllables with the 
obscure vowel, which, under the influence of accent, may be changed 
to an a or an e. 

A very peculiar use of the accent is found in connection with the 
verbal stem helaq. This stem expresses two different ideas, that are 
distinguished by means of the two kinds of accent. When occurring 
with the stress accent ('), he'laq denotes to get, to arrive; while 
helaq with the rising tone of a expresses the idea to climb up. 

§ 5 



310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Phonetic Laws (§§ 6-14) 

§ 6. Introductory 

The phonetic laws are quite complex, and in a number of instances 
show such appalling irregularities that they defy all attempts at 
systematization. This is especially true of the contraction of two or 
more vowels into one, and of the law of hiatus. Broadly speaking, 
the phonetic processes may be said to be due to contact phenomena 
and, in rare instances, to the effects of accent. 

Vocalic Processes (§§ 7-11) 
The processes treated in this division may be classified as follows: 

(1) Vocalic Harmony. 

(2) Consonantization of i- and u- diphthongs. 

(3) Contraction. 

(4) Hiatus. 

(5) Processes due to change from terminal to medial position. 

§ 7. VOCALIC HARMONY 

The most important phonetic law in the Coos language is the law of 
vocalic harmony. This tendency towards euphony is so strongly 
developed in the language, that it may safely be said to be one of its 
chief characteristics. Its purpose is to bridge over as much as possi- 
ble the difficulties that would arise in trying to pronounce in quick 
succession syllables with vowels of widely different qualities. The 
process may be of a retrogressive or progressive character; that is to 
say, the suffix may change the quality of the stem-vowel, or vice versa. 
Only the vowels of the a- and e- series are affected by this phenomenon, 
which is not always purely phonetic. 

The following suffixes cause a change from a to a, a process called 
the ^-umlaut: 

-i neutral § 31 -ll pronominal § 46 -lye transitional § 35 

nha'wits I make it grow holwl he grew up 64.24 

ntsxau'wat I kill him 26.22 ntsxewe'll she kills me 24.14 

nhd'h/HUs I draw it up il hdklHl'ye they were drawn 

up 30.1 
§8 6-7 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 311 

A change of ^-vowels into <?- vowels due to other causes is effected 
by the pronominal suffixes -u (§ 46), -em (§ 30), and by the imperative 
-e (§ 43). 

Tiha/kfHUs I draw it up tyha'k/Hitsu he draws me up 

kla'wat he pecks at it 20.14 nk'e'witu he pecks at me 

kwad'nlya he knows it 26.18 fowee'myem they know it 24.22 

pa'yat he shouted 32.1 l pEl'tE you must shout 32.2 

tsxa u - to kill tsxe'wE kill him! 68.3 

The following suffixes change the e- vowels of the stem into #- vowels: 
-ami, -dis pronominal § 46 
-dyam distributive § 37 
-andya § 50 

tcine'heni he is thinking 24.13 ; eHcinahand 'mi I am thinking 

14 of you 

he'wes a lie e £ hawasand'is you are lying to 

me 
x'ne'et it is on top 10.1 tyx'naatd'ya I am riding (a horse) 

klle'es black k Had 'yam blackish (black here 

and there) 
xd'nis sick 42.18 xd'nand'ya he made him feel 

sorry 42.18 
jpLjpalwls hat 136.14 pLpd 'wisandya he made a hat 

out of it 

[Note. — The suffix -andya is composed of -enl + -ay a. The long d 
of -dya affects the e of -enl, and the compound suffix changes the 
quality of the stem- vowel.] 

Here may also belong the qualitative change of yixe 1 ' one and yu'xwd 
two into ytxaM'na one each and yuxwaM'na two each (see p. 374), 
and changes like — 

is we'ldnl KanL we two fight will 116.11 (wil- to fight) 
qameldm! we he commenced to swim around {mil- to swim) 

[Compare also the change of the possessive pronoun la, llye, into la, 
llya, when preceding stems with a- vowels (see § 98).] 

Progressive assimilation occurs very frequently, and affects almost 
all suffixes that have ^-vowels. The following suffixes change their 
e- vowels under the influence of an a- vowel of the stem: 

-e auxiliary §44 

-em verbal §45 

-lye transitional §35 

-etc adverbial §68 

-lyaiva nominal §62 § 7 



312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

nwi r tvn.e with blood it is (wi- la u nk/a'ha they with ropes are 

tin, blood) 20.6 (k/a rope) 46.9 

U ntclwoJle they with fire are nint'laqa with an arrow he is (mi r - 

(tc/w'lfire) 42.12 laq arrow) 20.18 

hatctlerii'yeqEm the story is U qanatcanl'waq they began to 

being told (lia'tcit! story) make fun {qa'natc joke) 50.12 

44.14, 15 

tc hewese'rii you two are lying U kwd'xazam they are making 

28.13, 14 (he'wes lie) bows (kwafxciL a bow) 

qattml'ye morning it got 20.4 tyhainaha'ya I active became (hai f - 

(qalim- morning) na active) 

a'yu ix'l'ye surely a canoe it ndowdyahafya I happened to want 

was (far canoe) 126.10 it (dowa- to desire) 

dEmste'tc Lhi'nap through a iFklwi'l xd' a patc he dove into the 

prairie he went 22.11 (dE'm- water (xaf a p water) 26.27 

sit prairie) 

yixaf wExetc la into the house Lltafatc tsxawl'yat on the ground 

he went (yixa/wEx house) he put it down (z/ta earth, 

28.10, 11 ground) 36.20, 21 

The same progressive assimilation may 'have taken place in the 
change of the transitive suffix -e ir wat into -o u wat (see p. 337) whenever 
suffixed to stems ending in ?/-diphthongs. 

t E kwiLe ir wal he is following i^tsxau'watl^illhim^tsxa^to^iXY) 

him 22.2 26.22 

Tptcintcinei'wat I am thinking e s wild u 'wat you are looking for it 

(of him) (wil- to look for something) 54. 3 

Another assimilatory process of this type is the change of the par- 
ticle U into el (hel) after a preceding n or l (see p. 388). 

Ie'yI U good, indeed 5.3 m hel not so! 42.23 

lE'yl yu'Lel good it would be 
indeed 70.5 

In spite of this great tendency towards euphony, numerous instances 
will be found showing an absolute lack of vocalic harmony. Whether 
these cases are the result of imperfect perception, due to the rapid 
flow of speech or to other causes, cannot be ascertained with any 
degree of certainty. 

§ 8. CONSONANTIZATION OF I- AND U- DIPHTHONGS 

The i and u of diphthongs are always changed into the semi-vocalic 
consonants y and w when they are followed by another vowel. 

§ 8 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 313 

The only exception to this rule occurs in cases where the diphthong- 
is contracted with the following vowel (see § 9). 

pEriLd'wai whale 30.10 pEriLd'wayEtc a whale with 88.30 

ux tila'qai they two are living he'laq Ie ma tUa'qayetc he came 

24. 1 to the people (who) lived (there) 

36.12, 13 
t! E ci'ta u flint point nt! E ci r ta u we Ie rmllaq flint points 

have the arrows 62.27 
lo u - to eat Ldwa'was food 22.14 

xwi'lux u head 30.14 xlHs xwi'luxwltc she hit him over 

the head 66.5, 6 
h u perhaps + is we two Jcwts let us two 26.15 

§ 9. CONTRACTION 
In Coos the contraction of two vowels immediately following each 
other is so uncertain that it is difficult to formulate any rule that 
would cover all irregularities. The main difficulty lies in the fact 
that contraction of vowels, and hiatus, seem constantly to interfere 
with each other. The following rules may be said to apply in all 
cases: 

(1) Two vowels belonging to the ^-series are contracted into a long u. 
xtcl'tcu + uL xtcl'tcuL how would (it be) 5.2 
yiku + tlL yi'kuL perhaps it would (be) 17.7 

(2) Two long 7- vowels are contracted into a long I. 

ha'k/ u ti-\--iye U ha'Jc/Hl'ye they were drawn up 

30.1 
henl + -lye he'nlye a while 42.17 {he'nihen 

many times 88.1) 

(3) Long e or 7 are contracted with a following a into long a or e. 
-enl + -dya -anaya (see § 50) 
pLpd'wisem he is making a pLpaioisa'naya he is making a hat 

hat out of it 

-ne ij r-awas -n&was (see § 59) 

(4) Vowels of very short quantities are usually contracted with the 
following vowels of longer quantities, regardless of quality. The 
quality of the longer vowel predominates in such amalgamations. In 
the process of contraction, an h preceding the second vowel disappears. 

c E + hariL canL a particle denoting certain 

expectation (see § 90) 
tsi+hanL tsariL only then shall . . . 78.15 

§ 9 



314 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

An exception to this rule is found in the case of the u- vowels, which 
change a following h into a w. 

yu + he yuwe f whenever 16.6 

tso then tsowe' as soon as 52.14 

An interesting case of contraction is presented by the amalgamation 
of the personal pronouns and the negative particle In. 

nl -f- m not is contracted into nl, 

e $ thou + In not is contracted into en. 

xwin we two + In not is contracted into xwi l n. 

Un we + In not is contracted into U { n. 

cin you + In not is contracted into ci l n. 

nl tcltc la u tsxau'wat not I how that one (to) kill it 62.21 
en hanL dlH you not will (be) something 10.5 
xwt l n kwaa'nlya we two not know it 120.23 
ffln canL xtcltc sqats we (can) not seize her 56.18 
cPn k'dle ir wat you not forget it 40.18 

Following are examples of uncontracted*negative forms: 

ux In Tcivaafniya they two (did) not know it 22.9, 10 
U In k'Uo'wit they (did) not see it 32.3 

§ 10. HIATUS 

The same uncertainty that exists in the case of contraction of vowels 
is found in the law of hiatus. Broadly speaking, it may be said that 
the coming-together of two vowels of like quantities and qualities is 
avoided by means of infixing a weak h between them. Two vowels of 
dissimilar quantities and qualities are kept apart by means of the 
accent. 

Examples of insertion of h: 

kwaa/niya + -a/ya hwaa'nlyahd'ya (they) came to 

know it 102.29 

n'ne + -lye nnehl'ye I came to be (the one) 

siL'ne ij r-1ye sli/nehl'ye joined together it be- 

came 13.4 

ts!xa-\--a ntslxa'ha Ie TtwaJxaL (covered) 

with skin is the bow 62.27, 28 

hu u ma / k'e+-e ux nhu u malk'ehe th.zy two with 

wives are 42.15 

helml +.-is helml' his next day 6.7 

§ 10 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 315 

Examples of division by means of accent: 

Ie+-Uc xle'Uc Lfats with it he spoke 16.2 

L.'ta +-atc l! to! ate leml'y at into the ground 

he stuck it 64.1 

§ 11. PROCESSES DUE TO CHANGE FROM TERMINAL TO MEDIAL 

POSITION 

Terminal consonantic clusters are avoided by inserting a weak vowel 
between two consonants standing in final position (see § 4). But as 
soon as a suffix is added to a stem thus expanded, changing the cluster 
from a terminal to medial position, the inserted vowel is dropped, and 
the consonants are combined into a cluster. 

mi'lax lunch 28.15 rrtilxa'nEm lunch make me 1 14.5 

drfmsit prairie 22.12 dEmste'tc LM'nap to the prairie 

he came 22.11 
LM'nap he went through 22. 11 ux LMn/pl'ye they two came 

through 112.1 
a'lqas fear 66.4 ux alqsa'ya they two are afraid of 

it 7.5 
ha'tcit! story 20.2 hdtctfenl'yeqEm a story is being 

told 44.14, 15 
toi'lats he was astonished tci'lts E XEm he was astonished 128. 

22.28 15 

JcwafxaL bow 60.14 ux nkwa'xLa they two have bows 

12.9 
rm'lat he swam 30.7 mi'U E qEm he swam (out) 100.16 

On the whole, Coos shows a marked tendency toward clustering of 
consonants in medial position. Thus, when a suffix beginning with a 
long vowel is added to a stem that has already been amplified by 
means of a suffix whose initial vowel is weak, the vowel of the first 
suffix is dropped, and its consonants are combined with the final con- 
sonants of the stem into a cluster. 

ha! Late elder brother 72.27 h&Ltcl'yas elder brothers 

e'k u Latc father 20.25 ek u Ltcl'yas fathers 

la' x L%s mud 52.10 xHLsa' 'Etc with mud 52.13 

nhu u 'misUs I marry her hu u mistsd u 'wat he married 26.14 

This change from a terminal to a medial position effects sometimes 
the dropping of a whole syllable. 

miLhm'yatc } 7 ounger brother U miLhvi'tcini they are younger 
72.1 brothers (mutually) 84.20 

§ 11 



816 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Uuwe'H&s heart 5.3 ilu'tcisitc Ib'qHats in his heart she 

was boiling 108.27 
pii'yat he took him home xwin e e pnta'mi hanL we two thee 
30.13 take home will 126.19, 20 

Another effect due to this law is the weakening of the vowel of the 
syllable immediately preceding the suffix. This change takes place 
regularly when two or more suffixes have been added to one and the 
same stem. 

ijh%nptso u ' wat he takes him nLhinptso' witu he takes me 

through through 

hu u mistsd u ' wat he is marrying e £ hu u mfotsdw%taf mi hanL I marry 

them 26.14 thee will 184.6 

Consonantic Processes (§§ 12-14) 

§ 12. TYPES OF CONSONANTIC PROCESSES 

Consonantic changes are few in number, and due to contact phe- 
nomena. The following are the processes affecting consonants : 

(1) Consonantic euphony. 

(2) Simplification of doubled consonants. 

§ 13. CONSONANTIC EUPHONY 

This law affects the palatal sounds only, and results from a strong 
tendency, inherent in the language, to assimilate, whenever possible, 
the consonants of the ^-series to the character of the preceding or 
following vowels. As a consequence of this tendency, ^'-vowels are 
invariably followed or preceded by the anterior palatals, while u- 
vowels change a following palatal into a &-sound with a ^-tinge (a 
labialized k). 

la! nth' river 14.6 tsa'yux u small 20.5 

wix'i'tts food 14.7 ma'luk u paint 10.2 

talia'Uh' quiver 66.26 xwi r lux u head 30.14 

x'nek' hair 50.3 mel'dkuk u salmon heart 34.25 

g'img'i'mis rain go u s all 9.3 

Instances are not lacking where actual palatalization has taken 
place, or where an anterior h' has been changed into a palatal h so as 
to conform to the character of the vowel following it. 

h! aflat he shouted 36.7 qak' elenl' 'we u men they began to 

shout 24.22 
hlafwat he pecks at it 20.9 h'/e'wUem some one is pecking 

U 12-13 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 317 

ha' hat he crawled 32.12 xha'k'itc crawlingly 32.10 

tka'lrrdts he sinks it t E k'e'lmlxEm (a) deep place 84.24 

Tclxa'ye'es he is talking k'lxe'Em ye'es talk to me 
to him 30.23 

jpkak' grandfather 28.19 pkafkatc grandfather 30.6 

taha'Uk' quiver G6.26 taha'Mkatc into the quiver 116.19 

ax'l'axatc uncle axa/x' uncle 34.9 

k u ma'x' horn 86.25 nk u md r xa it has a horn 88.7 

The only cases of consonantic assimilation that occur in Coos are 
the changes of sonants into surds, under the influence of a following 
surd. 

ya'bas maggots 40.12 xya'bas yapti'tsald . . . maggots 

ate up his . . . (literally, mag- 
goted his ... ) 40.6 

bisk'e'tcyi'xumx he had it (the p E si r k' a'tsem a cup give me 68.17 
water) in a cup 128.25 

§ 14. SIMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLED CONSONANTS 

Doubled consonants are simplified in consequence of the tendency 
to avoid the clustering of too many consonants. The process consists 
in the simplification of a long (doubled) consonant, when followed by 
another consonant. Owing to the fact that only £, m, n, and y appear 
in doubled (long) quantities, they are the only consonants that are 
affected by this law. 

milat he swam 30.7 mi f lt E qEm he swam (out) 100.16 

tci'lats he was astonished tci'lts E XEm he was astonished 128. 

22.28 15 

Lhi'nap he went through 22. 11 LMnptsd u 'wat he took him through 

nmd'henet it is (crowded) with xma f hentitc like a person 30.22, 23 

people 20.1 

§ 15. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES 

All grammatical categories and syntactic relations in Coos are 
expressed by means of one of the five following processes: 

(1) Prefixation. 

(2) Suffixation. 

(3) Reduplication. 

(4) Syntactic particles. 

(5) Phonetic changes. 

§§ 14-15 



318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The number of prefixes is very small, and by far the majority of 
grammatical ideas are expressed by means of suffixes and syntactic 
particles. Keduplication, although frequently resorted to, is used to 
express only a limited number of categories; while the phonetic 
changes are very rare, and exhibit a decidedly petrified character. 

§ 16. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES 

All stems seem to be neutral, and their nominal or verbal character 
depends chiefly upon the suffixes with which they are used. Conse- 
quently two different suffixes — one of a verbal and the other of a 
nominal character — may be added to the same stem, nominalizing or 
verbalizing it, according to the requirements of the occasion. In the 
following pages a distinction is made between verbal and nominal 
stems, which is based solely upon the sense in which the stem is used. 

All prefixes express ideas of an adverbial character. 

By far the majority of verbal suffixes indicate ideas of action and 
such concepts as involve a change of the subject or object of the 
verb. Hence ideas indicating causation, reciprocity, reflexive action, 
the passive voice, the imperative, etc., are expressed by means of suf- 
fixes. The pronouns denoting both subject and object of an action 
are indicated by suffixes. Only semi-temporal ideas, such as the 
inchoative, frequentative, and transitional stages, are expressed by 
means of suffixes; while the true temporal concepts are indicated 
by syntactic particles. Instrumentality and agency are also indicated 
by suffixes. 

All local relations are expressed by nominal suffixes, Abstract 
concepts are formed by means of suffixes. 

Ideas of plurality are very little developed, and, with the exception 
of a few suffixes, are expressed by different verbal and nominal stems.' 
Distributive plurality occurs very often, especially in the verb, and 
is indicated by suffixes or by reduplication. Keduplication expresses, 
furthermore, continuation, duration, and repetition of action. 

A great variety of concepts are expressed by syntactic particles, 
especially ideas relating to emotional states and to degrees of certainty. 

In the pronoun, three persons, and a singular, dual, and plural, are 
distinguished. Grammatical gender does not exist. The first person 
dual has two distinct forms, — one indicating the inclusive (I and thou) 
and the other the exclusive (I and he). 

§ 16 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 319 

The demonstrative pronoun shows a variety of forms, but does not 
distinguish sharply between nearness or remoteness in relation to the 
three pronominal persons. 

The numeral is very well developed, exhibiting special forms for the 
ordinal, multiplicative, and the distributive, which are indicated by 
means of suffixes. 

The syntactic structure of the Coos sentence is very simple, and is 
characterized by the facility with which the different parts of speech 
may shift their position without changing in the least the meaning of 
the sentence. Incorporation and compound words are entirely absent, 
and the various parts of speech are easily recognizable through their 
suffixes. 

MORPHOLOGY (§§ 17-95) 

Prefixes (§§ 17-24) 

The number of prefixes is small. Three of the six prefixes found 

in this language — namely, the local, discriminative, and modal x 

must have originally expressed one general idea incorporating these 
three concepts, because the phonetic resemblance between these suf- 
fixes is too perfect to be a mere coincidence. In addition to these 
prefixes, the article and the personal pronouns may be treated in this 
chapter, as they are loosely prefixed to the nominal (or verbal) stems, 
and in a great many cases form a phonetic unit with the words that 
follow them. 

§ 17. The Articles Ie and hE 

The article Ie, or Ae, is used in the singular and plural alike, and 
may denote a definite or indefinite object. The definite article 
indicates an object that actually exists or that is intimately known 
to the speaker. No fixed rules can be given for the occurrence of 
the two different forms Ie and A#, but the following general prin- 
ciple may be said to hold good: hE tends to occur at the beginning of 
a sentence and after words ending in vowels, dentals, and sibilants; 
while Ie occurs in all other cases. 

Jie hata'yims (1) mix' so' we 1 (2) hla'wat (3) Jie to'qinas (4) the wood- 
pecker (4) is pecking at (3) the lucky (2) money (1) 20.15 

Mini sto u q Ie dl'lol there stood the young man 22.27 

wdndj tcme'henl Ke dl'lol thus was thinking the young man 
24.13,14 

e'nek* Ie i/td sticking out was the earth 6.7 § 17 



320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The article very often performs the function of the personal pro- 
noun of the third person singular, and in such cases is to be rendered 
by he, she, or it. 

he'lt Ie he'laq Ie wt'nqas u temfsnatc (in order) to gamble he 

arrived, the spider's grandson 66.20, 21 
Ke tsu'tsu he was killed 96.14 

The article has a general nominalizing function, and when prefixed 
to adverbs, adjectives, etc., gives them the force of nouns. 

Jie go u s 01 k'yEai's tsxawl'yat everything separately he put down 
48.18, 19 

go u s dl l l lai' x 'tset Jiex kwi'naHc (of) everything was started the 
appearance (i. e., everything began to have its present appear- 
ance) 12.7 

Ke qa'LtEs the length 

ma U Ie ehe'ntc ma ya'lanl surely, (whatever) the far-off people 
were talking 66.13 

la u Ke'tt hm'leL Ie e £ k'i'Ld u ts that (was) their sweat-house, which 
you found 62.25 

ify'ne He Ie e £ dowdy Exta! is qa u 'wa I am the one whom you wanted 
last night 50.25, 26 

In some instances the article is prefixed to the personal pronoun of 

the third person singular for the sake of emphasis. 

it 

ta lE'x'd la u qats i'niEx and he, he was just alone 68.2 
ta Ie i'lxa la u pEULd'wai il Ldwet'wat and they, they whale are 
eating 130.13 

It is also prefixed for the same purpose to the demonstrative pro- 
noun la u . 

lEla u qahldxex'l'we these began to flop around 17.6 
qantc IeIo, u lad' yam wherever these went 22.17, 18 

In certain local phrases the article prefixed to the whole and fol- 
lowed by the local term very often expresses local relation. 

Ae drimsU ntcetne'nis ha u til E qtsu at the edge (of) the prairie they 

sat down 22.15 
Tie tsJcwa' x iAs nhah! sto'waq at the lower part (of) the fir-tree he 

stood up 26.17 

(For the article as a possessive prefix, see § 98.) 
§ 17 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 

§ 18. The Personal Pronouns 

The following" are the personal pronouns in Coos: 



321 



Singular 1 




n- 


2d person 


3d person 


Dual \ 


Inclusive 

Exclusive 

2d person 

3d person . . . . , 


is- 

xwin- 
■ic- 
tix- 




Plural | 


1st person . 

2d person 

3d person 


lin- 
cln- 



There is no special form for the third person singular, which is 
expressed by the mere stem or by the article. 

he'mw d% l l nk'tto'wit big something I saw 62.21 

ts% e £ qa'qal merely you are sleeping 68.19 

a'yu to' Kits indeed! he hit it 13.3 

isali'canl hanL we (two) will play 38.11 

ma xwin wutxal'yat a man we (two) brought home 128.8 

tso ic lE'yl now you two (are) well 120.20 

a'yu ux L E an surely they two went down into the water 54.16 

linpi' x 'pi hanL we will go home 120.21 

cin sqats hanL tE to /well you will seize that fire 40.18, 19 

aso' tcl U wu'txe again here the} 7 returned 30.5 

The second persons dual and plural for the imperative form of 
intransitive verbs are ice £ and <nne e respectively, instead of ic and cm. 

ice £ sto u q you two stand up! 120.15 
tsi'x'tl tceF djl here you two come! 82.13 
cine £ Ld u q you get up! 30.19 

But compare — 

ic heml'yE you two lay him bare! 24.10 

tt 1 ic qlmi'tsE this you two eat! 120.16 

tcl cin Llei'yE ten h'e'la there you put this my hand! 80.19 

The pronoun of the third person plural (U) very often precedes 
the article or the possessive pronoun of the third person singular in 
order to emphasize the idea of plurality. 

go u s dlH la u tcflet'wat, il Ie mela!'ku'k u , U Ie ptsa\ U Ie mi'l u xas 
everything he is drying, — the salmon hearts, the gills, the tails 
34.25, 26 
3045 D — Bull. 40, pt. 2— 12 21 § 18 



322 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

xle'Uc MpU'yap la a\ U la k'e'la, il la kxla with it she painted their 
faces, their hands, their feet 122.7 

The numerical particle I'k'l both very often precedes the dual pro- 
nouns in order to emphasize the idea of duality. 

tso I'k'i qaxa'ntc ux x'i'ntset now both (of them) got on top 14.1 
In the same way the particle go u s all is placed before the plural 
forms in order to bring out the idea of plurality. 

la u go u s wandj il Lla'xEm these all that way are talking 50.9, 10 
As has been remarked before, the pronouns are loosely prefixed 
enclitics. They form no integral part of the word, although with a 
few exceptions they precede immediately the noun or verb to which 
they belong. They are always placed before the prefixes enumerated 
in §§19-24. 

I'k'l ux nkwa'xLa both of these have bows (literally, both they 

two [are] with bows) 12.9 
tso nqaLdwi'we now I commence-to eat 
%c xqantcvfwis you two from what place (are)? 126.14 
U k'!axa' a p they have no water (literally, they [are] without 

water) 38.2 

The personal pronouns are contracted with the negative particle In 
into nl i not, en thou not, etc. (see § 9). The prefixed personal pro- 
nouns are also used in the formation of transitive subject and object 
pronouns (see § 46). 

§ 19. Inchoative qa- 

This prefix denotes the commencement of an action. The verb to 
which it is prefixed takes, with a few exceptions, the suffixes -Iwe or 
-lye (see §§ 32, 35). 

a'yu qaLdwi'we indeed (she) commenced to eat 24.11 

qatcinehem! we (he) began to think 20.7 

ux qawelanl'we they two commenced to fight 

tso ux qayuwatl'ye now they two commenced to travel 12.6 

qamill'ye (he) commenced to swim 30.3 

When prefixed to an impersonal verb or to a noun with a verbal 
force, the suffix is omitted. 

la l! aha' was la n qa'xto u her garments (these) commenced to get 
stiff 110.3 

qay%xum,ata'%s (he) commenced to travel around (literally, [he] com- 
menced the traveling) 32.10 
§ 19 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS . 323 

§ 20. Privative k- la- 
It has the same function as the English suffix -less. With the 
possessive pronoun, it expresses absence (p. 399). 

U Jc'Idtdwa'l they (have) no fire 38.1 

Tc'fa'tetcmi'lat (she) swam around naked (lit., without clothes) 86.1 
Jc'Iahuwa'ivas mitstflti'ye suddenly she became pregnant (literally, 
without delay she became pregnant) 10.7 

§ 21. Adverbial n- 

This prefix may be rendered by in, at, to, on, with. When pre- 
ceded by the article or those pronouns that end in a vowel, it is suf- 
fixed to them, and the unit thus obtained is loosely prefixed to the 
noun. The same rule applies to the discriminative and modal x-. 

ai'vnt Ie ma nLlta'yas he killed (all) the people in the village 

112.9, 10 
a'yu yu'hwe Ian yixa'wEx surely he came ashore at his house (and 

not la nyixa'tvEx) 36. 6 
Lowi'tat Ae dl'lol lot nmi'k'e ran the young man to that basket 

28.27 
nxala'wis la u he'laq with heat she arrived 24. 9 

n- in the sense of with very often exercises the function of our 
auxiliary verb to have, to be. In such cases the noun to which it is 
prefixed takes the verbal suffix -e or -a (see § 44). 

nwi'tine la k u ha'yeq his excrements are bloody (literally, with 

blood [are] his excrements) 20.6, 7 
is nhumafk'ehe we two have wives (literally, we two with wives 

are) 10.9 
na a nt ma la u tc!pa'ya u nk/a'ha many people have braided ropes 

(literally, many people those braided with ropes are) 46.8, 9 
ntc/a'ha dM animals (lit., with "walkers" something [that is]) 46.1 

§ 22. Locative x- 

The prefix x- signifies from. 

xqantc la u si' x 't E tsa from where that one scented it 22.24 
xqal tqanhts from below he strikes it 28.1 

When prefixed to nouns, the nouns usually take the adverbial suffix 
-eHc in (see § 67). 

xlcwile' LeHc ndjl I came from the sweat-house (literally, from in 
the sweat-house I came) 

§§ 20-22 



324 BUBEATJ OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

In some cases the nouns take, instead of the suffix -eHc, the adver- 
bial prefix n- (see § 21). 

ha'lkwU Jie kid hax nklwi'nbs he took the rope off his neck 98.23 
(literally, he took off the rope his from on neck) 

§ 23. Discriminative x- 

The prefix x- occurs very often with the subject of transitive verbs, 
and denotes the performer of the action. (For x- preceded by the 
article or pronoun, see § 21.) 

kd a s to'Mts Kex dl'lol almost hit it the young man 20.20, 21 
kwi'la u ha u ' x ts Iex miteif tsi?iatc ice made the father-in-law 26.27,28 
xyi'xe 1 dd'mM la u Jia'lqait one man to him came 15.5 
In Jcwaa'nlya Iex vn'nqas hu w mik' not knew it the Spider-Old- 
Woman 58.9, 10 

x- is always prefixed to the subject of the sentence when the 
sentence contains both subject and object, or when the person 
spoken to may be in doubt as to which noun is the subject of the 
sentence. 

hu u mistso u ' wat Iex dl'lol Ie yu'xwd hu u md f k'e married the young 

man the two women 26.14 
k'Uo'wti Iie w%x'l'l%8 Iex hu u 'mis saw the food the woman 64.16, 17 
k'tto'wit Iex dd'mil Ie xd'nis saw the husband the sick (man) 

128.11, 12 
sqa'ts hot hWrmh' Iex swal seized that old woman grizzly bear 

102.21, 22 

x- is never omitted as a prefix when the subject of the sentence 
is an animal, an inanimate object, or any part of speech other than a 
noun. 

xcx'iml nk'Uo'witu the bear saw me (but cx'iml nk'Uo'wU I saw 

the bear) 
xya'las yapti'tsa ldpi f Uk'is maggots ate up his anus 40.6, 7 
aUa'nak' he ri lta IiExx'dwd'yas sticking out is (the) tongue the snake 

42.1, 2 
xqaine'Es kd a s tsxau'wat cold (weather) nearly killed him 32.7 
xwit nto'Mtsu some one hit me 
n% kwad'mya xwit I don't know who (it is) 
xi'nlEx x'lIq'wU Lopi'tetc alone (they) got into (the) basket 

34.19, 20 
xlala u lo ux td'ya that is the one (who) watched it 94.6 

§ 23 






boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 325 

In Ie'y% xkwi'naHc it does not look good (literally, not good [the 

manner of] looking 34.18 
xna a nt la u Ld ux Ld u 'wax many (persons) her were clubbing 80.4, 5 

x- is always prefixed to the vocative cases of nouns when they 
are used with the possessive pronouns. This is due to the desire on 
the part of the speaker to avoid ambiguity or obscurity of meaning. 

ta'l uex hu u 'mis halloo, my wife ! 54.2 

efdjl hex da' mil you come, my husband! 70.16 

€fld ux tlyExta'is hanL uex ei'tla you shall take care of me, oh, my 

pet! 86.20.21 
e £ dji uex tema' mis you come, my grandsons 82.12, 13 
^LO u h u uex hlo'la sit down, my father 

While the vocative cases (especially for nouns expressing terms of 
relationship) have special forms, the omission of the discriminative 
prefix could nevertheless obscure the meaning of the sentence, as the 
possessive pronoun coincides with the form for the personal pronoun. 

Thus, if in the sentence e £ Ld u h u uex h/o'la, the nEx hlo'la were 
deprived of its discriminative prefix, it might mean you sit down. I 
(am the) father. Since, however, the action is to be performed by 
the person addressed (in this particular instance, "the father"), it is 
discriminated by the prefix x-. Such an ambiguity can not occur in 
sentences where the vocative is used without the possessive pronoun, 
where the prefix is consequently omitted. 

e £ Ld u h u pha'h' you sit down, grandfather ! 108.14 
milxa'nEm l u'ma make me (necessarily) lunch, grandmother ! 
114.5 

§ 24z. Modal and Instrumental x- 

This prefix may be best translated by in the manner of. Its 
function is the same as that of our English suffix -ly. There is an 
etymological relation between this suffix and the discriminative and 
locative #-, although I was unable to ascertain its exact nature. The 
suffix -tc is frequently added to stems preceded by the modal prefix 
■x (see § 36). 

XLdwe'entc hlwi'nts entirely Ldwe'entc Lowi'tat all (seals) ran 

he swallowed her 102.23 " (into the water) 56.9, 10 

xtci'tcu e £ xa'lal how are you ? tcl'tcu ye £ Uuwe'Hcis what do you 

(literally, in what way you think? (literally, what your 

do?) 36.13 heart?) 6.9; 7.1 

xqa'lyeqeHc U lewtna'etwat as salmon they look upon it (literally, 
in the manner of salmon they see it [qa'lyeq salmon]) 130.14 

§ 24 



326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

xpiye'etc qalnuwamJ we backwards she commenced to pull them 

(literally, in the manner of going home [pl ,x 'pl he goes home]) 

80.8, 9 
in xa'yuwitc aftsa a small amount she gave her (literally, not in 

the manner of enough [a'yu sure enough]) 64.21 
no! wits Jiex t! E c&'tc I finished shoving (literally, I finished in the 

manner of . . .) 

This prefix is used frequently to express the idea of instrumen- 
tality. The noun is then usually followed by the adverbial suffix 
-Etc (see § 70). The idea of instrumentality is here so closely inter- 
woven with that of modality, that the instrumental use of a modal 
prefix is very natural. 

Itlwint xmi'laqEtc he shot at him with an arrow (literally, he shot 

at him in the manner of an arrow) 22.16 
pad! hit JiE Ld'pit xqa'lyeqEtc full (was) the basket with salmon 36.1 
Iex tsnna'IiEtc L/a'ts with the thunder language he spoke 18.9 
xmik'e'Etc tdwUini'ye by means of a basket he was dropped down 

28.9,10 

Suffixes (§§25-80) 

§ 25. General Remarks 

The number of suffixes in Coos is quite small when contrasted with 
the numerous suffixes found in some of the neighboring languages. 
This number appears even smaller when we take into consideration 
the compound suffixes that consist of two, and in some cases of three, 
independent suffixes. A still more sweeping reduction may be obtained 
through an etymological comparison between the different suffixes. 
There can be little doubt that if the language, in its present status, 
would lend itself to an etymological analysis, many suffixes, appar- 
ently different in character and even in form, could be shown to 
be derived from one common base. Thus it is safe to say that the 
suffix -t primarily had a general verbal character, and that all the 
other suffixes ending in -t are derived from this original form. This 
assertion is substantiated by the fact that the present transitive suffix 
-ts is added to a number of stems that have already been verbalized by 
the general verbal -t suffix, and that the causative passive suffix -et is 
always preceded by the transitive -t or -ts (see § 26). 

In the same manner it may be said that -s was the general suffix 
indicating nouns, and that all nominal suffixes ending in -s eventually 
go back to this nominal suffix. 

§25 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



327 



This theory of a close etymological connection between the different 
suffixes is practically proven by a comparison of the various adverbial 
suffixes ending in -tc. Such a comparison will show that all these suf- 
fixes must have been derived from one universal form, which may be 
reconstructed as Ho. Furthermore, all the suffixes expressing distri- 
bution have the element n- in common, which consequently may be 
regarded as the original suffix conveying the idea of distributive plu- 
rality; the more so, as in the following instances n- actually denotes 
distribution. 



h'e'la hand 48.17 



dj% it came 52. 8 
k'tsas ashes 



cine £ ti f k'E you stand! 122.10 



h'e'lnatc lto u 'x'its he rubbed her 
in his hands (literally, with each 
of his hands he rubbed her) 
108.20, 21 

Ie dji'nlt they came (singly) 52.17 

k'Usi'sfiEtc lep%'tit tet with ashes 
he marked himself [all over] 
28.16 

tsEL'ne 1 ux ii'kine side by side they 
two were standing 62.22 



There also seems to be an etymological connection between the suf- 
fix denoting neutral verbs and the suffixes expressing the passive 
voice, although in this case the relation is not as transparent as in the 
instances mentioned above; and there ma}^ have also existed an original 
relation between the verbal suffixes that end in -u. 

The following list will serve to illustrate better the theory set 
forth in the preceding pages. The forms marked with an asterisk (*) 
represent the reconstructed original suffixes, while the other forms 
indicate the suffixes as they appear to-day. 



VERBAL SUFFIXES 



*-t general verbal 

*-t transitive 

-ts transitive 

-eet causative passive 

-et causative passive 

-I, e 1 neutral 
-dyu, -e l yu, -lyu passive 
-dya u passive participle 
-lyaim (?) agency 

*-n general distributive 



-ne 1 , -nl distributive 

-dni distributive 

-inl distributive 

-Mna distributive 

*-u modal (?) 

-u transitional 

-u present passive 

-u transitive subject and object 

pronoun 
-u reflexive plural 

§ 25 



328 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

NOMINAL SUFFIXES 



*-« general nominal 


*-tc general adverbial 


-is nominal 


-tc modal verbal 


-es, -tEs abstract 


-ate ( ?) suffix of relationship 


-enis abstract 


-etc local 


-awas abstract 


-eHc, -Itc local and modal nominal 


-ne ir was abstract 


-ewitc local 


-o u nis verbal noun 


-Etc instrumental 


-si verbal noun 




-is local 




-is ordinal 





All suffixes may be classified into two large groups as verbal and 
nominal suffixes; that is to say, as suffixes that either verbalize or 
nominalize a given neutral stem. I have included adverbial suffixes 
in the latter group, on account of the intimate relation between nom- 
inal and adverbial forms. 

Verbal Suffixes (§§ 26-55) 

TRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 26-27) 
§ 26. Transitive -t, -ts 
-t. This suffix may have been originally the verbal suffix par 
excellence. It points out not only the active, transitive idea, but also 
presence of the object of a transitive action. It has frequently a 
causative meaning. It transforms impersonal or passive verbs into 
transitives, and verbalizes any other part of speech. It is usually 
suffixed to the bare verbal stems whenever these end in a vowel, nasal 
(m, n), or lateral; in all other cases it is preceded by a or i, making the 
suffix -at or -it. No phonetic rule has been discovered that will show 
when -at or -it ought to be used. It may, however, be suggested that 
-at denotes transitive actions not yet completed, while -it designates 
a finished, transitive action. These connectives disappear when other 
suffixes are added to the transitive -t. 

np E ci't I blow it away p E cl Tie dl'lol blew away the young 

man 26.21 
nlc/ urx wit 1 lose it 7c!u x wl' Mux da'mtt got lost their 

(dual) husband 22.9 
nx'pit I burned it x'pl it burned down 58.12 

nqa'ltcit I slacken it xqeHtc slowly 17.7 

tci Llhwit lal7iu u mi f k'ca there l/JcwI blanket 84.8 
covered (them) that old wo- 
man (with blankets) 82.14 
§ 26 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 329 

xa! a patc Ldwa'hait into the Ldwa'hai Ie dl'lol ran the young 

water she runs 56.8 man 78.27 

eHo'kwlt hanzawe you will ld'wak u lightning 18.5 

make lightning 18.7 

la u qano'tca I'nuwit Ie a! la I'nuwl very much 98.28 

that one outside (it) pulled, 

the child 11.1, 2 

U nya'alt I am talking about wandj yoflanl thus they are talk- 

them ing 56.18 

qamlt he bit her 100.16 

yi'xen L/x'tfnt once she examined it 86.18 

k!wa a nt he heard it 24.8 

nz/rtdH /ie UH'Ie I opened the door 74.9 

qai'cltc ha u U yu'wilt into small pieces that thing they divided it 

130.26 
nha'm.Lt I float it 

mu'xwit la kxla she felt for wmu'xvMt 1 am feeling it 

her foot 80.21 
ntc/pit I braided a rope ntcfpat I am braiding a rope 

wi'luwit Jie tsEtse'kvnn he tiwl'lat I am looking (around) 

looked for the cane 28.18 

a u, qat Ke JcMa'was he took off the shirt 78.11, 12 

There are a few stems denoting intransitive ideas that occur with 
this suffix. 

pi'nat Ie we'hel shaking was the stomach 58.24 
kwilat (the bow) was bent 64.3 

-ts. This suffix has the same function as the previously discussed 
-t. Not the slightest difference could be detected in the use of these 
two phonetically different suffixes. 

-ts is either suffixed directly to stems ending in a vowel, nasal (m, n), 
or a lateral, or it is connected with the stem by means of a or i. The 
only phonetic law that I was able to observe in reference to the two 
connecting vowels, is that i can never serve as a connective between 
the suffix -ts and a verbal stem ending in the velar surd q. 

^tso u ' x Lts I greased it tsowe' x L grease 122.6 

nqai'nts I cool it nqai'na I am cold 

tyxai'lts 1 made him warm xai'la she became heated 108.26 

nhaftoUs Ie tcici'mil I grew ha'wl Jie tcici'mil (it) grew up, the 

the spruce-tree spruce-tree 

Llk'its she poured it 102.12 hih'V it spilled 172.14 

iij[)d u 'kwUs I made him a slave po u 'kivis slave 

§26 



330 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



7ihu u 'misUs I marry (her) hu uf mis woman 70.3 

tclwd'letc tsl'x'Us in the fire tsix' here 106.8 
he held him down 106.5 

In i'lxats not he looked at it tso eHlx now you look 17.3 
40.17 

ux la'ats Ie hu u maJh'e they la he went (intransitive) 22.18 
two went over (the water) 
the women 128.4 

np/l'xats I scatter it go u s qantc la u p/l'yEx everywhere 

it is scattered 46.16 

jpokwi'lrie 1 tl'lqats opposite U Ula'qai they were living (liter- 
one another he set them ally, sitting) 84.20 
down 112.12 

nlta'ts I am painting it - nlti'ts I painted it 

There are a few stems that, in spite of this transitive suffix, are 
sometimes translated as intransitive verbs. 

m Ldwa'Jcats she was not home (literally, not she was sitting) 

(Ld u k u - to sit [down]) 58.7 
leaf E f mis qa'lyeq la'ats Ian Ld'pit fi.Ye salmon got into his basket 

34.23 (but ~k!d hanL ye s n hlwVnts nWats a rope I'll put around 

thy neck 94.12) 
paHs tE q E ma'Us full (is) that fish-basket 36.7 (bwtpaHs Ie yixa'wEx 

Iex tc!la'ya u qa'lyeqEtc he filled the house with dried salmon 

36.3,4) 
go u s mVl'dtc he qa'yaHs he always becomes afraid (of it) 126.1 

That the transitive -t was originally a general verbal suffix, may best 
be demonstrated by the circumstance that in a number of instances 
neutral stems are verbalized by means of the suffix -ts, after they had 
previously been changed into verbs by means of the -t suffix. This 
double verbalization may be explained as due to the fact that the verbal 
function of the -t suffix was so conventionalized that it had become 
entirely forgotten. 



mu'xvnt she felt for it 80.21 

nyu'xwU I rub it 

ux In ni'x'item those two no 

one touched 122.25 
nha'k/wat I draw it up 
IV cat Iie L/td shaking is the 

earth 16.2 
26 



e e muxtUsd f mi han 1 want to feel of 
you 108.18 

U yu'xtUs he'Utet they rub them- 
selves 52.13 

m'x'tits he touched him 106.20 

nha'hlnUs I draw it up 
nli'ctits I shake it 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 331 

§ 27. Causative -iyat 

This suffix is always added to the bare stem of intransitive or neutral 
verbs. Stems ending in the palatal surd h or palatal spirant x pala- 
talize these final consonants (see § 13). 

a'yupll'yat hot to' mil, indeed, /£n! x 'jp% he went home 56.11 

he took home that old man 

30.13 
l ltd' ate tsxawl'yat on the tsxu he lies 20.12 

ground he laid (them) down 

36.20,21 
T^kwUl'yat ts Jc/wa'sis I roll lcwU E la!nl Ie laltl'mis continually 

that ball rolling is the ocean 6.2 

a'yu l! idly at Tie a! la surely lHHc he went out 20.4 

he took out the child 12.1 
dtflnlal'yat something I start la he went 22.18 
l%n helaqal' yat we took him up helaq he climbed up 13.10 

There is practically no difference between this causative suffix and 
the transitive -&, except for the fact that -ts seems to be regularly 
suffixed to stems ending in velar or palatal consonants. There is only 
one verbal stem ending in a velar surd (q) that takes the causative 
suffix -lyat; namely, the stem helaq- to climb. This stem infixes an 
a between its final consonant and the causative suffix, as shown by the 
last example above. 

The reason why the causative -lyat is suffixed to this stem, and not 
the transitive -ts, may lie in the fact that there are two stems lielaq- 
differentiated by accent only (see § 5);. namely, he'laq to arrive, 
and helaq to climb up. 

Since the transitive -ts has been suffixed to he'laq to arrive (com- 
pare hatdyims halqtso u, wat she brought the money 78.13, 14), the 
causative -lyat may have been suffixed to helaq to climb because 
confusion is thus avoided. 

When followed by the pronominal suffixes, -lyat is contracted with 
them into -Ita'mi, -Ita'is, -I'tii, and I'ta (see §§ 9, 11). 

xwin eFputafmJt hanL we two will take you home 126.19, 20 
eHsxawita'ts you laid me down 
nhelaqa'ltu he took me up 

§ 27 



332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

INTRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (§§28-31) 

§ 28. Intransitive -aai 

This suffix signifies that a verb usually transitive is without an 
object. It is consequently employed in the formation of intransitive 
verbs. With the exception of one or two sporadic instances, it is 
always suffixed to the reduplicated form of the verbal stem, thus 
denoting a repetitive action. 

zqa'ai lot to' mil* he believes that, old man 28.16 

I'nta diH hexwinne'itc yoyo £ waai bad something with us is 

stopping 24.3 
yuwe' yi'mat ha u go u s mi'late lokHo' Jcwaai whenever he twinkles 

(his eyes), there always is lightning 16.6, 7 (lo'wak u lightning) 

go u s mi' late tsESLa'qaai le'U szaqa'ewat she bathed him 60.6 

kwe'nei* alwa3 T s bathing 

was their sister 84.21, 22 
akla'laai Ie hu u 'mis shout- k/a'lat he shouted 36.7 

ing is the woman 56.5 
sitsa'ataai he lot hu u mi'k'ca so! at murder-dance 

she was usually dancing the 

murder - dance, that old 

woman 116.26, 27 
inl'naai (it is) nothing 122.27 In not 10.8 
kwithvia' taai he was dream- kw a a'tis dream 98.7 

ing 98.6 

§ 29. Reciprocal me u 

-me u is usually preceded by the transitive suffix -t or -ts. Owing 
to the fact that the consonantic combination of t or ts + m is not per- 
missible, this suffix appears as -Eme u (see § 4). 

il sqa'tsEme u they seize one another 

a'yu ux halti'tEme u surely they two gambled together 38.23 
il tsi'xtsEme u Ie no u 'sJc'iU hata'yims they divided among them- 
selves the Giant- Woman's money 80.29; 82.1 
il I'nlye hweenl'yExtEme u they no longer know one another 46.9 
ux wi'lEme u they two fight (together) 48.16 

§ 30. Suffixes Defining the Subject: qum, -xiim; u; -em 

-qEm (-xEm). This suffix serves a double purpose. The stem 
to which this suffix is added must have a singular subject. There is 
another suffix, -u, which expresses the same idea for plural subjects. 
This suffix will be treated in § 52 (p. 357). 

H 28-30 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 333 

(1) When preceded by the transitive suffix -t or -ts, it assumes a 
reflexive character, indicating that the subject of the action is at the 
same time its object. 

han k'e'la la'atsxEm Ie x'bwalyas into her hand came the snake 

(literally, put herself in) 86.4 

Compare mik'e'etc nla'ats Ie x'bwalyas into the basket I put 
the snake 
yuwe hl ir me alwanl'waq la u td he e^k'^xEm whenever children 

played, she there would go among them (literally, put herself 

among them) 70.19, 20 
tqa'lisEtc pana'qtsxEm in the sun he is warming himself 32.8 
tsxd'yat Ld u 'qtsxEm in the morning he got up (literally, got him- 
self up) 34.22 
ntc!b u 'tsxEm hanL I will go to bed (literally, I lay myself down 

will) 

Compare td il tc!b u there they went to bed 50.12 
di 'IblntsqEm hot to'm%L is making himself young that old man 22.7 
yiqantce'witc tetd'tsqEm back she drew (herself) 64.29, 30 
tso Ihe'tqEm now it rested 88.16 
tso Llha'tsqEm Ie hu u 'm%s then dressed (herself) the woman 86.6 

Compare nLlha'ts Ie alia I dress the child 
Mini t E h'e'lm%tsqEm there it let itself down 90.6 

(2) When suffixed to the bare verbal stem, especially to intransitive 
stems or to stems expressing motion, it conveys the idea to be in a 

rOSITION, TO BE IN A CONDITION, TO BE IN THE ACT OF. For this last- 

named purpose the suffix -xeiu is mostly used. 

wd'ndj Lfd'xEm that way he d'yu zldts indeed he spoke 16.2 

is talking 15.8,9 
ai'wa In kwi'l E XEm still not kwPU he bends it 62.29 

bent (it is) 62.29 
tseml'x'EXEm htvA'nts Ie hid' - td he tsimix'to u 'wat Ie %x' there 

hat the neck is fastened with (they) fastened the canoes 46. 6, 7 

a rope (literally, fastened 

condition, neck, with a rope) 

92.4 

hi'nik u ef'k'EXEm there he may be among them 94.28 

hats kwa u'yu la u wina'q a xEm just like a rainbow (it is) spread 

out 32.14* 
tso be'ltc^xEm now he is warming his back 32.18 
In tcIle'xEm tE la'nik' not in a dry condition is that river 14.6 

(tcllis dry 166.2) 

§ 30 



334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

tso le'tix* he'lkwEXEm now from there she came out 108.28 {Jia'l- 

kwit she took it out 60.1) 
hats he'nlhen tl'wixEm % la u tsxu just many times it coiled up 

as it lay 88.1 

In some instances the suffix -xEm is used to express the place of a 
certain action. This use of the suffix is in perfect accordance with 
its general function of indicating the condition, or position of an 
occurrence. 

qantc Ie tdwe'xEm where the Utc/o u they went to bed 50.12 

bed was (literally, sleeping- 
place or place of lying 

down) 86. 7 
hi'nl t E k'e'lmixEm there was m t E k'elm it did not sink 136.7 

a deep place (literally, the 

place of sinking something 

into the water) 84.24 
&'yHcxEm a circle (literally, ncyHcto^wat I surround it 

it is clear around [it]) 
(See also § 40.) 

-em. This suffix indicates that an indefinite person, unknown to 
the speaker, is the subject of an action. It is always added to stems 
expressing transitive ideas, or to stems that have already been verbal- 
ized by means of the transitive suffixes -t or -ts (see § 26). The 
pronominal objects of actions performed by an indefinite subject are 
expressed by prefixing the personal pronouns (see § 18) to the verb. 

kwaa'nlya he knows it 26.19 ux kwee'niyem those two some- 
body knows 19.10 

nixt- touch ux In ni'x'item those two not 

somebody touched 122.25 

latsa'ya he goes after it 94.7 latsotem somebody went after it 

92.13 

lia'klH- to draw up haJklwitem somebody draws him 

up 92.9 

§ 31. Neutral -%,-®ff 

-1 (-e l ) is employed in the formation of neutral verbs. It changes 
the ^-vowels of the stem to e (see § 7). 

yo'qe Ie ka'wU it split, the bas- ilx yo'qat they two split it 7.9 

ket 8.1 
kd a s Jcwa to! he 1 almost as if it to! hats he put it out 128.26 

went out (the light) 128.19 
Ldwe'entc x'tl the whole thing nx'tit I slide it down 
(wholly) slid down 26.19 
§ 31 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 335 

kwa TcwVms p E ci Ie dl'lbl like np E ci't I blow it away 

(a) feather blew away the 

young man 26.21 
go u s dlH ha! wl everything- nha'ivits I grow it 

grew up 9.3, 4 
x'pl Ie yixafwEx it burned x'pVtsl debris 58.19 

down, the house 58.12, 13 
wUcwehe'Hd la a/la it took waha'Hcas sickness 

sick, his child 42.17 
e?pi'ctcl hanz you will get pi'ctcUstethe warmed himself 32.8 

warm 100.27 

In a few instances verbs having this suffix were rendered by the 
passive voice, which may have been due to the fact that my informant 
could not express in English the intransitive neutral idea implied in 
the suffix. 

a'yu hd'JclHl xqa'wax indeed, nha'klHits I draw it up 

he was drawn up from 

above 98.2 
ma wu xa'hl u xwi'lux u was mau'xat he chewed him up 68.10 

chewed Up his head 124.3 
k!u' x wl Ie hu u 'm%s was lost k!u' x wit he lost it 

the woman 54.19 

SEMI-TEMPORAL SUFFIXES (§§ 32-35) 
§ 32. Inchoative -live 

-Iwe indicates the commencement of an action, and is suffixed to 
verbal stems expressing active or transitive ideas. If the stem to 
which it is to be suffixed does not express such an idea, it is preceded 
by the verbal -em (§ 45), but never by -t or -ts. It may also be pre- 
ceded by the distributive -am (see § 37). The verbal stem must always 
be preceded by the prefix qa (see § 19). 

a'yu qaLdwl'we indeed (she) begins to eat 24.11 

tso hariL qac E alctl'we now (he) will begin to work 26.18 

qalnl'we (he) commenced to hunt 106.16 

%l qaskweyarii'we they begin to talk (among themselves) 66.21 

qatdnehenVwe (he) began to think 20.7 

qax'intetdni'we (he) began to jump about 102.15 

qalc'elanl'we u men began to shout at each other, the people 

(literally, mutually) 24.22 
qamelanl'we (he) began to swim around 176.16 

§32 



336 BUEEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 33. Frequentatives -&wa{t) 9 -mwa{t) 

-e l wa(t) indicates repetition, frequency or duration of action. The 
verbal stem to which it is suffixed is very often reduplicated, thus 
bringing out more clearly the frequentative idea. It is added to stems 
regardless of whether they express real transitive actions or not. 

tkwiLet'wat tE to'qmas he is nt E kwiLts I followed him 

following that woodpecker 

22.2 
aso' llrie^wat again he is set- nllnts I set the basket 

ting the basket 34.23 
xqa'wax la u kwma'etwat from qe'ltc ux kwVnait down they two 

above these are looking at looked 6.4 

it 6.4 
go u s dVi aiwe 1 'wat everything ai'wit he killed (them all) 112.9 

he is killing 68.23 
a f yuxwdndjha u we i 'wat surely yixa'wEx ha ux ts a house he built 

that way he has been doing 32.18 

it 92.8 
tci Uk'ix'z/dwe^wat Ie M if me ux'l/oH I put it in 

there they are putting in 

the children 52.9 
Lehe uf ne i la u hit hltowe i> wat side la u M'toHs she put them down 

by side she put them down 60.4 
• 60.4 
Tc /ink' !irie v wat Jie p'&Lla'ye ux k'/int they two try it 7.4 

he was trying the weight 

78.18 

This suffix appears sometimes as -Iwat. For an explanation of this 
seeming irregularity, see § 2. 

ux kwiskwi'wat they two are nskwl'wat hanL I will inform 

informing him 20.25 him 74.4 

nxLll'wat I am hitting him xlUs he hit her with a club 

with a club 64.28 

Instead of an initial reduplication, the verbal stem very often 
appears with a reduplication of the final consonant, denoting continuity 
and distribution of action (see § 83). 

nt! E clcl , wat I am shoving it t/cits he shoved it 32.24 

(back and forth) 

iljyictcatci'wat they are warm- pV debts tet he warmed himself 
ing (themselves singly) 32.8 

J 33 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 337 

tci tsix'ix'i'wat there he was holding him (for a long time) 
104.15, 16 (tsiv here 24.4) 

-o u wa(t) exercises the same function as -e { vjat. The only differ- 
ence between the two suffixes is, that -o u wat is added to the verbs 
already amplified by the transitive suffixes -t or -is, while -l l wat can 
be suffixed only to the stem. 

tso ux tkvnLtso u ' wot now they two tkvjlLe 1 ' watheio\\owshim22.2 

follow him 9.9 
tcle'etc hit! E tso u 'wat Tie pEn- hi'yet! he came ashore 32.5 

Lo'wai ashore it brought a whale 

88.22, 23 
tci halqtso w 'wat there she is bring- he'laq he arrived 22.22 

ing it to him 72. 8 
aqalqsito u 'wat he is frightening a'lqas fear 66.4 

him frequently 100.24 

In a few cases -o u wat is suffixed to the verbal stem. 

ltislo u 'wat Ie te { z/td he recognizes this (here) land 30.28 
k!werti'ya u nwilo u 'wat food I am looking for 54.4 
ntsxau'wat hanL I will kill him 26.22 

The suffixation of -o u wat instead of -e l wat in these instances may 
have been caused by the law of euphony, as these stems end in a 
w-diphthong. Thus, the stem of tsxa/u'wat is tsxa u -, as shown by the 
form tsxawl'yat (36.21) he laid him down, consisting of the stem 
tsxa u - and the causative suffix -iyat. 

Whenever the pronouns expressing both subject and object are 
suffixed to verbs ending in -o u wat, this suffix changes to -d u wit 
(see § 11). 

tfhu u m%stsdwita'm% hanL I will marry you 184.6 
nhalqtso u 'vAtu he brought me frequently 

§ 34. Frequentative Causative -aehvat 

. There can be little doubt that the -etwat in -ae l wat is identical with 
the frequentative suffix -efwat, discussed on p. 336. Owing to the 
fact that a number of verbal stems ending in a take the suffix -l l wat^ 
there is a good deal of confusion between these two suffixes. 

xd a p la u laa'e l wat water car- la he went 22.18 

ried them away 46.16, 17 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2— 12= 22 § 34 



338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

%c sLjfia r l ir wat you two are hid- ux sLnl'yat they two hide him 

ing him 24.11 24.9 

la u tclicila'ehvat he (on) that tc/i'dl mat 7.3 

(they) are sitting usually 

(literally, they caused it to 

be a mat) 38.3 

Compare, on the other hand, 

xqa'wax ux kwina'e i wat from Jcwma- to look 
above they two are looking 
at it 6.9 

§ 35. Transitionals -lye, -nts, -u 

-tye indicates a transitional stage, — a change from one state into 
another, that has already taken place. It is suffixed mostly to nouns 
and particles, although frequently it is found added to verbs. It 
may best be rendered by it became, it got, it turned out to be, 
or by the passive voice. Stems ending in a vowel other than i insert 
an h between the final vowel and the suffix (see § 10), while stems 
ending in -i contract this vowel with the following -i of the suffix 
into a long I (see § 9) . When suffixed to a stem that has an a- vowel, 
it changes into -aya (see § 7). 

dEmste'tc ux Lhirvpl'ye they two came through a prairie (liter- 
ally, through a prairie they two went through, it got) 112.1 
(LM/riap he went through 22.11) 
~kw%na!l i watl , ye he began to look at him 
lin kwine'weLi'ye we became poor 28.21 

tdiml'ye c E it got summer, indeed (tslim summer 162.20) 30.20 
a'yu %'x'lye surely it was a canoe (ix' canoe 44.20) 126.10 
y%xe'n qaliml'ye one morning (literally, once morning it got) 20.4 
U he'fiye they became rich 84.17 
nhai'naholya I became active {nhai'na I am active) 
qa u wahafya in the evening (literally, whenever evening it got) 
(qa u 'wa evening 50.26) 82.7 

siLTi&Mye le'ux mi'laq joined le'ux rmllaq siL'ne, 1 their (dual) 

together became their two ar- arrows joined together are 

rows 13.4 13.7 

U lid'hlHl'ye they were drawn il ha' k/ u ti they are (being) drawn 

up 30.1 up 

tso oil xwandjl'ye now surely it was that way (literally, that way 

it turned out to be) 8.2 
nnehl'ye la u Id I became the owner of that thing (literally, me it 

became [to whom] that belongs) 
§35 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 339 

go u sl'ye la u tsxau'wat all (of them) he killed 68.9 

a'yu cil In dlHi'ye surely, indeed, nothing it turned out to be 

tso la u U Jcwaa'nlyahafya now they came to know it 92.14 

When suffixed to the negative particle In, or to the contracted forms 
of In + the personal pronouns (see § 9), it forms new particles, I'nlye, 
ril'ye, enlye, etc., which were always rendered by no longek, i no 

LONGEK, THOU NO LONGER, etc. 

il I'nlye kwaafnlya they no longer know it 50.18, 19 

nl'ye nxa'nis I am no longer sick 

eriiye hanL dl { l you will no longer (be) something 104.1 

It appears as a suffix to the stem he'nl-, forming a compound 
he'niye A while, long time. 

he'riihen tl'wixEm many times it coiled 88.1 {-en multiplicative 

suffix [see § 75]). 
he'niye ux we'ldnl a long time they two fought (together) 132.8 
m he'niye xd'nis la a! la not very long sick (was) his child 42.17, 18 

It takes the place of the inchoative suffix -Iwe (see § 32) in verbs not 
expressing a transitive, active idea, or not transitiv 4 ized by the transi- 
tive suffix -e'nl. (See also § 19.) 

qamill'ye (he) commenced to swim 30.3 

ux qayuwatl'ye they two commenced to travel 12.6 

-nts conveys an active transitional idea. The difference between 
this suffix and -lye lies in the fact that the change indicated by the 
latter came about without any apparent active cause; while -nts 
expresses a change from one state into another, that presupposes a 
subject of the action. It is hence best rendered by to change one 
into. 

ntd r m%Lnts nte't I into an old td'miL old man 22.7 

man change myself 
dl'lolntsgEm lal to'm%L he is dl'lol a young man 22. 11 

making himself young that 

old man 22.7 
Ie hl ir me u la'mah' tsi la u yixa'- yixe'ntce together, one by one 

ntcnts (of) the children the 64.8, 9 

bones only she gathered up 

(literally, she changed into 

one) 60.3 

§35 



340 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

-u indicates a change from one state into another, that has not yet 
been completed. It is often preceded by the transitive -t. 

he'mistu Ie yixa'wEX getting big- hem' is big 14.5 

ger is the house 34. 14 

na' a ntu Ie ma multiplying are na a nt many 44.18 

the people 12.4 

%c tElta'mUtu JianL you two will da' mil (strong) man 14.7 

get strong 120.17, 18 

qai'cu it is getting small qaic small, a chunk 128.29 



MODAL SUFFIXES (§§ 36-43) 
§ 36. Modal -tc 

This suffix appears in four different forms, as -itc, -utc, -tc, and 
-eetc. 1 

-tic is added to verbal stems ending in a consonant, except m, w, 
and any of the laterals; -utc is suffixed to stems ending in vowels; -tc 
is suffixed to stems ending in laterals; and -eetc, to stems ending in 
m or n. This suffix is always added to the bare stem. There can be 
little doubt that this suffix is identical with the adverbial suffix -tc 
(see § 25); the more so, as it implies, to a great extent, an adverbially 
modal idea. The Coos expresses by its means our participial ideas. 
The verb taking this suffix is usually preceded by the discriminative 
and modal prefix x- (see §§ 23, 24). 

qawilal'we xha'h'itc (he) commences to look around crawling 
(literally, in the manner of crawling; hak- to crawl) 32.10 

tylal'yat Kex ni'x'itc I commenced to touch it (literally, I com- 
menced in the manner of touching) 

ts E xa u 'tc U dowa'ya to kill they want him 66.22 

m lE'yl xkwi'naHc it does not look good (literally, not good as to 
the manner of looking) 34.18 

tya'wits Kex tci'cLtc I finished splitting {jitdcLe 1 'wat I am split- 
ting it) 

tya'wits Kex heme! etc I stopped bringing it out {nhaml'yat I 
brought it out) 

qai'nis wine' etc L E an into the water wading out she goes (literally, 
she goes down into the water in the manner of wading; nwi'nat 
I am wading out) 58.2 
§ 36 

1 [This is obviously the adverbial -tc, and might have been discussed with 
§§ 67-70.— Ed.] 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



341 



This suffix is often used in certain phrases to express abstract ideas. 
Thus, for instance, the Coos will express our sentence i am get- 
ting HUNGRY by I AM GOING INTO HUNGER. (See § 118.) 

legate nla I am getting hungry {nlqa I am hungry) 
pL/itc nla I am gettiDg heavy 

§ 37. Distributives -net, -nl; -ant; -ay am; -tvaq 

"Tte 1 , -nl, indicate distribution of an intransitive action. They are 
suffixed to intransitive verbs. Related to this suffix is the distributive 
Anl (§ 72). 



kat ' E'mis tkwlilnl 1 Ie dji'nlt 
five (winds) following each 
other (they) keep on com- 
ing (singly) 52.17 

tsEL'ne, 1 ux ti'k'ine side by side 
they two were standing 
62. 22 

le'ux mi'laq sIl'tiI 1 their (dual) 
arrows are joined together 
(literally, one after the 
other) 13.7 

kla'yenl he'ux xwi'lux u ux 
l !e' x ' simt against each other 
with their two heads resting 
they two go to bed 72. 11 

pokwi'lne* Ldwaka'tfwat op- 
posite one another (they) 
were sitting 120.4, 5 

hitco'riihl'ye u men were as- 
sembled people, came to- 
gether people 46.1 



tkwlL -to follow 

t8EL-.(%) 

sIl- to join together 

k/ay- (?) 

pukul- across 
hitc-0) 



-am is suffixed to stems expressing transitive ideas. It is often 
accompanied by duplication of the final stem-consonant (see § 83). 

il tsa'k'ina'nl they help one tsak'in- to help 

another (mutually) 
il L/x'ina'ni they examine Llx'Vn- to examine 

one another 
il tsak u kwa'nl they continually ntskwits 1 speared him 

spear one another 
il tqartLLafnl they mutually tqa'nLts he struck it 28.1 

strike one another 

§ 37 



342 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BtJLL. 40 



il k!wanx u xd'm they mutualty 
cut one another's hair 



hlwa'nxat he cut his hair 



This suffix often changes the quality of the vowel of the stem 
to which it is suffixed (see § 7). 

ha'yat he gambled 66.15 



a'yu il qaheydrii'we surely 
they began to gamble 66.25 

U tsxewd'nl they kill one 
another 

ux weHarii they two fight 
106.13 



tsxau'wat he killed (them) 68.9 
wil- to fight 



When suffixed to intransitive verbs or to verbs expressing motion, 
it denotes an idea that may best be rendered by back and forth, 
to and fro, up and down, etc. It is hardly necessary to dwell 
upon the close relationship that exists between the idea of mutu- 
ality and the idea expressed by these phrases. 

tso'no kwil E ld'm Ie 'baltl'mis kwil- to roll 

both ways is rolling the 

ocean 6.2 
qai'nts la u yaq E qd'nl away 

from the shore they run con- 
tinually 36.18, 19 
Mm sqaiLLd'nl l E wd'wa 

there is going back and 

forth (through his fingers) 

the little girl 108.21 
rpL/eHcUcd'nl I keep on going 

out and coming in 
^stdwaq E qd'rvi I keep on rising 

and sitting down 
tlyetafnl Ie wVnqas hu ur m%lc' continually looking for some supply 

was the Spider-Old-Woman 60.12 

-al/am is suffixed to intransitive verbs and to adjectives only. Its 
exact function is obscure. With verbs, it invariably denotes an action 
performed by more than one subject; while when suffixed to adjectives, it 
seems to convey the idea of the English suffix -ish. Most likely it has 
a distributive character, which the informant, not well versed in the 
English language, could not bring out. 

yu'xwa, hu u ma'k'e djind'yam Ic'Uo'wit two women coming (towards 

him) he saw 126.13, 14 
a'yu hwi'yal U lad' yarn surely now they were walking (singly) 32.7 

§37 



yeq he runs away 182.27 



sqaiLe l 'was the space between 
two fingers 



Lie 1 to he went out 20.4 



sto'waq he stood up 20.7 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 343 

tsoH x' Lima' yarn xa a 'pEtc he washed it with luke-warm water 

120.9, 10 
xqaa'yam whitish, gray (literally , white here and there; xqa's white) 

-waq. 1 am not quite sure whether this suffix really expresses dis- 
tribution. All attempts to explain it have proved unsuccessful. It is 
suffixed to verbal stems, and may be preceded by the suffix -em 
(see § 45). The best explanation that may be offered is that it implies 
a continual action performed by more than one subject, although 
instances have been found where the action was performed by a single 
subject. 

tso U qanatcanl'waq now they make fun (of one another) {qa'natc 

joke) 50.12 
yuwe' hl ir me alicanl'waq whenever children played (together?) 

70.19 
cima'ewaq Ie cl't/a dragging (them singly?) was the pet 88.7 

Compare also the nouns 
SLtsa'waq a whale (?) 28.7 
qaleta'waq feriy-men 140.15 

The Passive Voice (§§ 38-42) 
§ 38. Present Passive -u. 

This suffix expresses the present tense of the passive voice. It is 
suffixed directly to the verbal stem with initial reduplication (see § 82). 

aso' tcl tEtl'klu Ie tcfi'lE again tl'h!vyits he shut (the door) 74.6 

there is shut the door 74.27 
go u s qantc la u qEqai'cu Id w%'- qaic a piece 128.29 

tin in all directions that is 

being clubbed his blood 

10.5, 6 
x'i'x'intu Ie tc/wal is being x'intl'yat he runs with it 42.5 

taken away quickly the fire 

42.5 
cecu'lu le'il yixa'wEx fire is cul- to burn 

being set to their house 

58.11, 12 

By adding to this suffix the transitional -lye (see § 35), the past pas- 
sive is obtained. The initial I of -lye is contracted with the -u into a 
long u (see § 9). 

qEqaicii'ye la iluwe fx tds it was beaten to pieces, her heart 76.8 
ma jpEjAUu' ye the person was torn to pieces 48.16 (pils- to crush) 

§38 



344 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



§ 39. Past Passive -ayu, -§iyu, -lyu 

These suffixes are added directly to the verbal stem, which is inva- 
riably reduplicated. Stems ending in w, I, m, and n, immediately pre- 
ceding these suffixes, appear with a glottal stop, no matter whether the 
stop is inherent in the stem or not (see §§ 81-82). 

ma qEsqa'yu the person was sqa'ts he seized it 68.8 

seized 10.4 
U aiai £, wayu they were killed aiwit he killed them all 68.11 

58.8 
qaxLll'yu he was struck 96.14 xlUs he hit her 64.29 
tsoh'ix'tl 'yulEmix' 'so 'wIw'Iec nx'ti'ts I slide it down 

now was slid down the lucky- 
stake 94.3 
kwilkwe e 'leyu Ie hata'yims nhwiWyat I roll it down 

a'lEG was rolled down the 

money stake 92,11 
a'yio hwiLkwa! yu surely it was nLkwa'at I cut it off 

cut off 76.15 
yExy%xentce s ne if yu it was gath- yixa! ntcyits she gathered up 60.3 

ered up 84.16 
he?nhe £ ?ne i/ yu it was brought heml'yat she took it out 62.23 

out 

§ 40. Passive -lyeqEm 

This suffix is composed of the transitional -lye (see § 35) and the 
generic -qEin (see § 30). It serves a triple purpose, according to the 
manner in which it is suffixed to the verbal stem. 

(1) When suffixed to the bare stem, it expresses a verbal conception 
of a continued character, which may best be rendered by the passive 
voice. This rendering is due largely to the fact that the -%^-element 
of the suffix predominates in these cases. 



lo ux t- to watch 
kwina- to see 

wil- to look for 

tqanLts he strikes it 28.1 



§ 39-40 



lowttl' yeqEm he is watched 40.26 
Un Jcwma'yeqEm hariL we shall be 

seen 30.23, 24 
go u s qantc will' yeqEm everywhere 

she is looked for 56.1, 2 
t E qanm f yeqEm xwa'lwalyEtc she is 

continually struck with a knife 

80.5 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 345 

The verbal stem is often reduplicated in order to bring out more 
clearly the passive idea and the idea of continuation (see § 82). 

lo u - to buy % la u Ld u Lb u wl r yeqEm le'il wix'i'Vis 

when that was being bought 
their food 88.13, 14 

mintc- to ask mitcmintcl'yeqEm xtci'tcu ye £ ilu- 

we'Hels he is being asked con- 
tinually, "What do you think 
about it?" 70.9 

lo u x- to club . ni'Jc'mEtc Ld u xLd u xwi f yeqEm with 

sticks she is being struck con- 
tinually 80.6 

(2) When preceded by the transitive suffix -t (see § 26), it denotes 
an intransitive action, of which the person spoken of is the object. 
Hence it was sometimes rendered by the reflexive. 

i ux Lldjltl'yeqErn when they two are fighting 122.25 

tso sovAtl'yeqEm Tie qd'yis now it is changing, the weather 

tso lowUl'yeqEm now he took care of himself 66.3 

(3) When preceded by the verbal suffix -em (see § 45), it denotes 
a continued action, the subject of which is not intimately known to 
the speaker. 

ha'tcit! story 20.1 wandj hdtctlemfyeqEm that way 

they are telling the story 44. 14, 15 

skw- to inform, to tell la u shweyenl'yeqEm Ie tc/wdl 

they are talking about the fire 

38.5, 6 

§ 4:1. Causative Passive -eet, -et; -lyEm 

-eet expresses the passive voice of causative concepts. It is suf- 
fixed to the verbal stem. The object that is caused to perform the 
action is always in the singular. The suffix -lyEin is used for plural 
objects (see § 53). This suffix may best be rendered by to be caused 
to. When suffixed to stems with a- vowels, it changes to -aat (see § 7). 

qa'wax Lle'et le'ux e'k u Lcitc high up was their (dual) father (literally, 

was caused to be high up; z/a- to be in an upright position) 

22.1 
Jc'ele'Lisltc SLne'et Ke dl'lol in a corner hidden was the young man 

(literally, was caused to be hidden; slu- to hide) 24.12 
qafyisEtc ts E ne'et Ie hfd to the sky was stretched out the rope 

(tsn- to stretch) 28.20 

§ 41 



346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

xaya'm La k 'Uo'wit tana' at old dog-salmon only he saw washed 
ashore (pEnLd'wai ta'ntan whale came ashore) 130.3 

a'yu tclUe'et tE tclwal surely it was burning, that fire (literally, 
was caused to burn; ntcttli'yat I kindle the lire) 38.8 

Llnowa'at nlc'i' loHs Ie teli'lE open I found the door (literally, 
caused to be open I found the door; L. f nd u - to open) 

x'ne'et he is on top (nx'ini'yat I put it on top) 10.1 

nla' at I was carried away (literally, caused to go; nla I go) 

In certain instances this passive causative idea is not so apparent, 
owing, perhaps, to the fact that the verbal stem can not be analyzed. 

a'yu Lfle'et surely he kept his eyes shut 17.3 

wandj Ldwe'et telinne'itc that way it is eaten among us 130.11 

i'nlEx hewe'et Ldwa'hats alone it was supposed she lived 60.10,11 

-et. This suffix is always preceded by the transitive -t or -ts. 
Under the influence of the ^-vowels of the stem, it changes to -at 
(see § 7). 

go u s dl { l lai' x 'tset everything was started (literally, caused to go 
[start]; nla I go) 12.7 

xaap JiE'mtset water was laid bare 42.8 

yuwe' q E to u 'tset he'lahwetc whenever it got caught on a limb (lit- 
erally, was caused to hang on a limb) 46.24 

tsa'yuxwitc pi'lstat to pieces (the tree) was smashed (literally, was 
caused to smash to pieces) 124.14 

he { hats L/no u 'tat Ie tc/i'lE suddenly came open a door (literally, 
was caused to open [itself]) 62.5 

tele' etc sto u 'qtset hat to'miL ashore was put that old man (literally, 
caused to stand [up] on the shore) 32.4, 5 

In certain cases the passive idea is hardly recognizable. 

g'i'mtset it commenced to rain 42.9 

e £ ha'k u tat you were left 62.20 

qa'lyeq ha'ltsat salmon came into the river 34.13 

Lay Eta' t he became hungry 32.9 

Lowi'tat she ran (literally, was Ldwa'hai Ie dl'lol was running 

caused to run [?]) 56.9 the young man 78.27 

la u hanL ux c E a'lctet these two xwandj c E a'lcit Iex Uoxqai'n 

shall work 68.26 that way doctors him the 

medicine-man (literally, 
works on him) 128.16, 17 

§41 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 347 

§ 42. The Past Participle -aya* 

The past participle is formed by means of the suffix -aya u added 
directly to the transitive or intransitive stems. 

tc!pa'ya u k/d braided ropes ntc/pat 1 braid it 

44.22 
lta'ya u a a painted face 10.3 nlti'ts I paint it 

g/e'le tcicLa'yd u k/ u M' It (with) ntcl'cLt I split it 

split pitch-wood she lighted 

them 84.1 
xa' a pEtc L E anlEtc!la'ya u into tc/lis dry 166.2 

the water go down the dried 

(salmon) 36.18 
hemisa'ya u enlarged he' mis big 50.17 

§ 43. The Imperative 

The imperative of transitive verbs is expressed by means of suffixes 
added directly to the verbal stem, or, more frequently, following the 
transitive suffixes. Intransitive verbs, with the exception of a few 
stems indicating motion or ideas like to hear, to listen, have no 
special suffixes. The imperative of such verbs is brought out by the 
(prefixed) pronouns of the second persons singular, dual or plural. 

xle'itc e £ L!ats with it speak! 16.5 
eH E qa wake up! 68.18 
cine £ Ld u q you (pi.) get up ! 30.19 
efali'cani you play ! 60.21 

The following are the imperative suffixes in Coos : 

-e. It follows the transitive suffixes -t 9 -ts, and expresses, beside 
the imperative idea, the presence of the object of the verb. The 
causative verbs in -vyat, and f requentatives in -etwat and -o u wat, 
lose their final (transitive) -t when followed by the imperative 
suffix. It very often changes the broad a-vowels of the stem 
into e- vowels (see § 7). 

klwi'ntE shoot it 13.3 

cin sitsV-'ntE Ie wi'nqas hu u 'm%k' you go and see the Old-Spider- 
Woman ! 64.12, 13 

te l ic qfmi'tsE this you two eat! 120.16 

%c hemi'yE you two bring him out! (literally, cause him to come 
out!) 24.10 

§§ 42-43 



348 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

tqa'lis sun 24.4 



[BULL. 40 



cine £ tqah'yE you wake up ! 

122.4 
tci cm Llel'yE ten k'e'la there 

you put this my hand ! 80.19 
fcwin ze tsxe'wE let us quickly 

kill him! 68.3 
sqaiLto u 'wE stick it in a crack! 

te l l lo u 'we this you must eat ! 

lo ni'citc xa a p ha u 'wE in it a 
little water have! 68.17, 18 



Llal'yat she put it 72.11 
ntsxwu'wat I kill him 26.22 

nsqaiLto u 'wat 1 stick it into 

a crack 
Ldwet'wat she is eating it 

24.5, 6 
ic ha u we ir wat you two have 

him 128.9 



-en expresses, besides the imperative, the absence of the object of 
the action. 

tdhitsen you must hit ! 
Lowen eat! 28.26 

g'l'lcwa qai'nas ic tfatltsan a little closer to the fire you two 
dance! 82.19 

-Ex, -Eq, suffixed to a few stems, expressing motion, or ideas like to 

HEAR, TO CLOSE ONE'S EYES, etc. 

e e h!a!yExteinVsl listen, O grandson! 114.7 

tsix'L tc!o uf wEx here you must lie down! 126.20, 21 

lUe'x l shut your eyes! 16.9 

tin la' ex you (pi.) go! 30.23 

JiamlL Ihe'tEq (you) may take a rest! 

-%t suffixed to verbs that are transitivized by means of the transitive 
suffix -ay a (see § 47). 



la'tsli e s pMk' go and get your 
grandfather! 28.19 

lo u 'HU yeHet watch yourself! 

74.3 
In dowafU don't desire it! 



ux tatsafya they two went to 

get him 20.14, 15 
lo ux to!ya he watches it 92.3 

dowa! y a he wants it 92.12 



-Em expresses, besides the direct object, the indirect object of the 
first person. It is hence suffixed to verbal stems expressing 
ideas like to give, to make. It is highly probable that this 
suffix may be an abbreviated form of the pronominal -a?ni 
(see § 46). 
§43 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 349 

p E si'k' a'tsEm a cup give me! 68.17 

tsa'yux u JcwafxaL e £ ha u ' x tsEm a small bow make me! 60.14, 15 
mUxa'nEm l u'ma lunch make me, you must, O grandmother! 
(mi'lax lunch) 114.5 

-Eis. This suffix expresses a command involving the second person 
as the actor, and the first person as the object of the action. 
From a purely morphological standpoint, it is a modified 
form of the pronominal suffix -ais (see § 46) . 

ten nqatqai'L yixuxwriis by this my belt you hold me! 54.12 
tci Icle'%s teka'Hsl there take me, O granddaughter! 80.14 

Compare e e tsaJc'%nta'is hanL you shall help me 80.16 

In addition to these suffixes, the Coos language very often empha- 
sizes the imperative idea by means of the particle l (see § 92) . 

VERBALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 44-45) 
§ 44. Auxiliary -e (-a) 

This suffix exercises the function of our auxiliary verb to be. The 
noun to which it is suffixed invariably takes the adverbial prefix 
n- with (see § 21). The phrase thus obtained expresses the idea to 
have. This suffix is always changed to -a whenever added to a stem 
having an a- vowel (see § 7) . 

nt! E d r ta u we Ie mi'laq flint points have the arrows (literally, with 
flint points [are] the arrows; t! E d'ta u flint point) 62.27 

nwi'tine la h u M'yeq bloody are his excrements (vA'tin blood) 20.6, 7 

nk u mofxa Ie ci'tla horns had the pet (literally, with horns was the 
pet; k u ma'x' horn) 88.7, 8 

na a ntma tc!pa'ya u nhlafha many people have braided ropes (liter- 
ally, braided with ropes [are]; kla rope) 46.8, 9 

It very often transforms nouns into intransitive verbs without the 
aid of the prefix n-. In such cases the -a form of this suffix is mostly 
used. 

xbafltidj la u Tclwisi'sa from the west it blew (klwafsis wind) 52.4. 5 
nkwaati'sa I dream (Jcwaa'tis a dream) 

x&'yH&tc la u xll'sa clear around him (he put) slime (xlls slime) 
128.18 

§ 45. Verbal -enl 

This suffix expresses the idea to do, to make something. It is 
usually suffixed to nouns and to verbal stems that do not imply an 

§§44-45 



350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 " 

active, transitive action. This suffix is changed to -anl whenever 
added to stems having an a-vowel (see § 7). 

npLpdwise' 'm I am making a hat (pzpa'wis hat) 

tyybxa! WExenl I am making a house (ybxa'wEx house) 

iikwa! xaLarii I am making a bow (Jcwa'xciL bow) 

e £ lEqa u wiya f tarii you tell a story (lEqa u wiyaf tas story) 38.13, 14 

nhatcitle'ni I tell a story {ha'tcit! story) 

wandj tcinehe'nl that way he is thinking (tcin[e]- to think) 40.14, 15 

tsi Tc u be Kewese'nl merely perhaps you two are lying (he'wes a lie) 

28.13, 14 
U alVcanl they play {cl'Iec toy) 30.25 
qawenise'nl I'nuwl he got mad very much 98.28 
U yd' lam they were saying 76.17; tE ha'nis yd' la ma those 

(who) talk Coos (literally, those lid'nis [Coos] talker-people) 

50.3 
xwdndje'nl that way she was doing it (xwandj that way [modal]) 

164.6 

PRONOMINAL SOTEIXES (§§ 46-50) 
§ 46. Transitive Subject and Object Pronouns 

The Coos pronouns expressing both subject and object of a transi- 
tive verb are, morphologically speaking, suffixes added to verbal 
stems, or to stems that have been verbalized by means of some transi- 
tive suffix. The transitive suffixes may, however, be omitted, as the 
mere addition of these pronominal suffixes is sufficient to transform an 
intransitive stem into a transitive verb. These suffixes occur in four 
different forms, expressing the first, second, and third person as 
subject, and the first and second persons as object, of the action, 
regardless of number. 

First person subject — second person object (sing., dual, plural) -ami 
Second person subject — first person object (sing., dual, plural) -ais 
Third person subject -££, -ll 
Third person object — first, second, third person subject, no suffix. 

Since these suffixes are frequently preceded by the emphatic or 
abbreviated forms of the personal pronouns (see §§ 18, 96), the pho- 
netic unit expressing the combined pronouns may be said to consist of 
the following elements: 

(1) Personal pronoun for the subject. 

(2) Personal pronoun for the object. 
§46 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



351 



(3) Verbal stem. 

(4) Suffixed form of the combined pronoun. 

The following peculiarities in the manner of expressing the transi- 
tive subject and object pronouns are noteworthy: 

(1) The forms having the third persons as object indicate the 
subject by the pronouns n for the first persons, £ for the second (see 
§ 18), regardless of number. 

(2) The form expressing the second singular subject and the first 
singular object uses for its pronominal prefix the second singular tf. 

(3) All other forms indicate the object by prefixing the personal 
pronouns according to number. 

(4) The pronominal prefixes expressing the subject occur in singular 
form regardless of the actual number that is to be indicated (see § 96). 

The following is a complete table showing the formation of the 
combined pronouns for the different persons: 





I, We Two, 
We 


Thou, Ye 
Two, Ye 


He, They Two, They 


Me 

Thee 

Him 




e 5 -ais 


n- u 
&- u 


n-il 
e s -U 


e £ - -ami 
n 


Us (Incl) (Dual) 
Us (Excl) (Dual) 
You (Dual) 
Them (Dual) 


ic- - ami 
uxn — 




is-u 
xwin-u 
ic-u 
ux- - 


is-il 
xwin-il 
ic-il 
ux- 


xwin-dis 
fate* — 


Us 

You 

Them 




lin-dis 


lin-u 
cin -u 
il 


lin -il 
cin -il 

il - 


ctn-dmt 
iln — 


ile 1 -- 



The personal pronouns are usually omitted for singular subjects. 
They always occur, however, when the subject is dual or plural. 

ntfxkan wandj eHHta'rra I that way told you 17.2 

e £ muxtitsa 'mi I (want to) feel of you 72.10 

eHaa'mti I take you along 

Qfd'hUs I hit it 64.5 

eFtd'hits you hit it 20.19 

to' hits he hit him (or it) 20.19 

fito'hitsu me he hit 

eHo'hUsu thee he hit 

cin kwina'il you he sees 

xwin efpiita'mi hariL we two thee will take home 126.19, 20 

lin eFsits^ntd'mi we thee (came to) see 130.19, 20 

§46 



352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The personal pronouns for the objective third persons dual and 
plural always precede the subjective pronouns. 

ux tytd'hits them two I hit U eHd'hits them you hit 

The suffixes for the combined pronouns are added either directly to 
the bare verbal stem or to the verb amplified by the transitive -t and 
-ts. This double system of adding the suffixes for the combined pro- 
nouns to the verb serves as a means of differentiating the duration of 
the action indicated by the verb. The bare verbal stem amplified by 
the pronominal suffixes denotes an action that has been performed 
more than once, or that has not yet been completed; while the verbs 
to which the pronominal suffixes are added after the transitive suffixes 
indicate actions that have been performed only once, or that are com- 
pleted. The same purpose is served by the double forms of the com- 
bined pronoun having the third person as its subject. The suffix -ll is 
always added to the verbal stem; while -u is suffixed to the stem, in 
addition to the transitive suffixes. It must be understood, however, 
that this interpretation of the double system of adding the combined 
pronominal suffixes does not apply to each individual case. Verbs 
with the pronominal suffixes added to the bare stem are frequently 
employed to denote past, completed actions, and vice versa. 

nE'xkan e £ w%lafmi I am look- e E w%Luw%ta'mi I have looked 

ing for you for you 

e £ wiwina!m% I am cheating tfwtfntsa'mi I have cheated 

you you 

e s lc!wina%s you were shooting e £ k!w%nta'%s you took a shot 

at me at me 

e £ sqa'is you were seizing me e e sqatsa!is you seized me 

tylclwi'nil he was shooting at nklwi'ntu he shot at me 

me 

The imperative transitive pronouns have been described in § 43. 
They are -Em to me, sis me. 

§ 47. Transitive Verbs in -ay a 

Language in general has a number of verbal ideas, which, strictly 
speaking, do not imply any actions on the part of the subject; or de- 
note actions, that, while intransitive, may be performed for the benefit of 
or in connection with a certain given object. Verbs like to know, to 

UNDERSTAND, TO DESIRE, TO BELIEVE, TO WATCH, TO BE AFRAID, etc., 

§47 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 353 

express ideas that are not real actions, but which may be used as such 
in connection with some object. Thus, I may know him, understand 

THEM, DESIRE IT, BELIEVE HER, WATCH MYSELF, etc. On the other 

hand, verbs like to go, to run away, etc., express intransitive 
actions that may be performed in connection with a given object. 
Thus it is possible to go to him, to run away from me, etc. 

Coos treats the stems expressing such ideas as intransitive verbs, 
which do not take any of the transitive suffixes; but since these 
intransitive verbs may, without the aid of any additional grammatical 
device, become transitive, and imply the existence of an object (which 
is usually that of the third person) , there is a special suffix -dya which 
indicates the (mental) process described above. This suffix, always 
added to the bare verbal stem, denotes an intransitive action that has 
become transitive by being used in connection with the third person 
object. It may therefore be called the "pronominal suffix," ex- 
pressing, besides the subject, the third person object of an intransi- 
tive verb. 

uxalqsd'ya they two are afraid a'lqas fear 66.4 

of it 7.5 

tydowd'ya I want her 70.6 t&x'tl' do'wa wu'txe ti'ye 

pu'yatc here wants to come 
back thy uncle 122.15 

nEqd'ya he ran away from it nEq he ran away 100.16 

42.4 

tyx'naHd'ya I am riding (a x'ne'et he is on top 10.1 

horse) 

Lqa'ya Iex swal believed it the Lq- to believe 

grizzly bear 94.25 

mitsisi'ya she knows it 60.1 mi'tsis wise 132.6 

In kwaa'nlya (they) did not kwadn- to know 

know it 86.12 

latsd'ya he went after it 94.7 la he went 22.18 

lb ux td r ya he watched it 94.6 lo ux t- to watch 

U Ld u kwd f ya h.E L/td they e e Ld u k u you sit down! 38.22 

occupy the country 44.21 

The plurality of the object is expressed by the affixed numerical 
particle hEma all (§ 109), or by the separate suffix -Uex (§ 54). 

nlo ux td'ya hE'ma I watch them all 

The imperative of this form has the suffix -It (see § 43). 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 23 § 47 



354 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY 



§ 48. Subject and Object Pronouns of Verbs in -aya 



[BULL. 40 



The corresponding suffixes for the above discussed verbs, express- 
ing, besides the object, also the subject of the first, second, or third 
person, are etymologically related to the suffixes treated on p. 351. 
They appear, however, in such changed form, that they require 
separate discussion. These forms are — 





I, We Two, We 


Thou, Ye Two, Ye 


He, They Two, 
They 


Me 
Thee 
Him 
etc. 


e^-yExtdmi 


e e -yExtdis 


n-yExtu 
e s -yExtu 



They are suffixed directly to the verbal stem. 

e £ dowa'yExta'm% thee I want 
eHoHlyExtafmi of thee I take care 
eHoHiyExta'is you take care of me 86.20 
nkwee' nlyExtu me he knows 
e e ddwd'yExtu thee he wants 

The etymolog}^ of the first element in these suffixes (-yExt-). is quite 

obscure. It may be suggested that -yEx- is the adjectival suffix (see 

§ 66), and ~t the transitive (see § 26), although we are no longer able 

to understand, the psychological principles underlying this peculiar 

formation. 

§ 49. Transitive Verbs in -a 

This suffix is preceded by the transitive suffixes. Its function is 
varied. It may have expressed originally the indirect object; but 
verbal ideas requiring both a direct and an indirect object are very few 
in number in the Coos language, and the functional scope of this 
suffix is much wider now, permitting its use for other purposes. 
Thus it is very frequently suffixed to transitive verbs where the 
object of the action is actually expressed, and not merely understood; 
and it is often, but not as a rule, used as a suffix denoting pluralit}^ of 
the object. The most plausible suggestion that can be offered in 
explanation of this suffix is that it may denote an action performed 
upon an object that possesses another object. At any rate, there can 
be no doubt that the predominating function of this suffix is that 
of a special characterization of the pronominal object. 

.§§48-49 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 355 

rpmilxa'na I made lunch for mi'lax lunch 28.15 

him 
a'tsa he gave it to him 28.7 dts- to give 

tetc c E alcta f tExa clothes he made for (his child) 108.5 

kwind'vjas sl' x 't E tsa smoke he scented 22.23 

hwa'xciL ha u ' x tsa Ie temi'sndtc a bow she made for her grandson 

112.25, 26 
d'yu L/ha'tsa la tetc surely (he) put on his clothes 28.23 
kd a s yi'xe* pE'nLta Ie tsi'yEn nearly he tore off one handle 30.4 
pii'ta Ie ma ai'wit he took to his house the people (pi.) whom he 

killed 112.11 

ehoutxal'ta Wye u'mdc ux wutxai'yat la pka'katc he 
pkd~k' you (should) take brought home his grand- 
home, thy grandmother father 70.2 
them two (and) grandfather 
68.26 

il ni'l E xtsa at them I looked ni'lxats I looked at him 

nsqa'tsa Ie quwai's I seized iisqats Ie quwai's I seized the 

the boards board 

lk!wa yixu'xwa fern roots she Mini y%xuxwe l 'wat there he 

had 64.14, 15 was holding it 64.3, 4 

Compare, on the other hand, 

tclwa'letc tfci'tsa into the fire tchvd'letc tfctts into the fire 

he shoved it (no object is he shoved it 32.24 

actually expressed here) 
32.26 
or 

yu'xwa wutxai'yat Ke tco'xtcox two he brought home the rabbits 
pokwi'lne 1 ti'lqats opposite each other he set (them) down 112.12 

§ 50. Verbs in -andya with Direct and Indirect Object Pronoun 

This suffix is composed of two suffixes, -erii (see § 45) and -aya 
(see § 47). The broad a- vowel of the second suffix effects the retro- 
gressive assimilation of the -enl into -ani, and the final vowel of -enl 
coalesces with the initial of -aya into a long a (see § 7). It may best 
be rendered b}^ to do, to make something out of something. 

nlcwaxaLana'ya 1 am making a bow out of it {kwa'xaL bow) 
tyyixawExana! ya I build houses out of it {yixa'wEx house) 
la u hlweniyawana'ya Ie qa'lyeq he is making a supply out of the 
salmon (k/we'niya u supply) 34.24 

§50 



356 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

yanzawe dlH e £ qa u wenisa'ndya whenever something you will get 

mad at (qa u wen%se f rii he got mad) 16.4 
la u hcmL eH'nuwana'ya at that thing you shall pull Qfnuwl very) 

72.2 
U wa'lwalana! ya they (would) make knives out of it (wa'lwal knife) 

136.14, 15 " 

The a- vowels of this suffix very often change the e- vowels of the 
stem to which they are suffixed into an a (see § 7). 

xafnana'ya he made him feel sorry for it (xa'nis sick) 42.18 
typLpafwisana'ya I made a hat out of it (pLpa'wis hat) 

Whenever suffixed to reduplicated stems, this suffix is changed to 
-onaya. 

aqa'lqsona'ya la a! la he became afraid of his child {a'lqas fear) 

28.24, 25 
mUsma'tsona'ya Iex dl'lol he became acquainted with him, the 

young man (mi'tsis wise) 116.1 
qai x 'qa'ydna'ya he became afraid of it {nqdyaHs I am frightened 

[I fear]) 42.3 

PLURAL FORMATIONS (§§ 51-54) 
§ 51. General Remarks 

The question of plurality, as exhibited in the verbs, is, compara- 
tively speaking, a complicated matter. The chief difficulty arises 
from the fact that Coos accords a different treatment to transitive and 
intransitive verbs, and that the phenomena connected with plural 
formation are by no means of a uniform character. As in most other 
American languages, the Coos intransitive verbs express plurality 
of subject, while stems expressing transitive concepts distinguish 
between actions relating to a singular object and those relating to 
plural objects. 

As a rule, plurality of the subject of verbal ideas is not indicated. 
One and the same stem is used in the singular and plural alike. There 
are, however, a few verbal concepts that express such a plurality 
by means of different stems. While this question ought to be more 
property treated under the heading " Vocabulary," it may neverthe- 
less be found useful to give here a few examples of such different 
stems. 

§51 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



357 



Singular 


Plural 




Usem 26.20 


ne'tsi 74.1 


to do 


yixu'me 10.3 


yuwl'tU, yuwat- 12.6 


to travel 


tsxu 28.12 


ha'yati 58.19, 20 


to lie 


qa'qd40.2 


tsi'msimt 74.1 


to sleep 


xneP't- 74.30 


xwailt- 22.17 


to fly, to jump 


lEqa u 'ws 42.18 


<?'#* 84.14 


to die 


Lid-, 14.6 


j'a'Za- 50.3 


to speak 


Lowa'kats, 38.10 


tila'qai 36.11, Jcwee'ti 50.7 to sit, to live 



On the other hand, there are a few stems that seem to express 
singularity or plurality of subject by means of a grammatical process 
the history of which is not clear. This process may be said to consist 
in the change of the vowel connecting the suffix with the stem. 



Singular 

eHcla'at you walk 120.18 
Tixa'yat I am whittling 
nfa'lats I dance 
nwi'nat I wade out 



Plural 

U tela! it they walk 
U xa'ylt they are whittling 
%ce s tfaflU yoxx two dance 82.18 
U wi'nlt they wade out 



This process is the more puzzling, as it also seems to be used for 
the purpose of distinguishing between duration of action (see § 26). 
It is quite conceivable that there may be an etymological relation 
between these two phenomena, and that the phonetic similarity exhib- 
ited by them is more than accidental. 

§ 52. Reflexive Plural -u 

In a number of cases intransitive verbs indicate plurality of subject 
by means of a suffix which is phonetically different from the suffix 
expressing the corresponding singular idea. This is especially true 
in the case of the suffix -qEm, -xetyi (see § 30). This suffix is applied 
to singular subjects only, while the same idea for plural subjects is 
expressed by means of the suffix -u, which is always preceded by the 
transitive -t or -ts. 



Singular 

Ihe'tqEm it is resting 88.16 
tywe'lextxEm I went to bed 

nLd u ' 'kHsxEm I sat down 
tykwe' et E tsxEm I settled down 
QSLn'txEm I hide myself 



Plural 

il Ihe'tu they are resting 

ice e we'lextu you two go to bed 

82.13 
ti'l E qtsu (they) sat down 22.15 
U kwe'et E tm they settled down 48. 5 
il sLn'tu they hide themselves 

§ 52 



358 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



§ 53. Causative Passive Plural -iyJSm 

The same principle is applied to intransitive verbs expressing pas- 
sive causative ideas. Singular subjects are expressed by means of the 
suffix -eet (see p. 345), while plurality of the subject is indicated by 
the suffix -iyEm. The most perplexing problem connected with this 
suffix is the fact that its initial % disappears before ^-diphthongs with- 
out changing the u of the diphthong into a consonantic w (see § 8). 



SLTl- 

iix SLmfyat they two 
hide him (caus.) 
24.9 



Singular 

SLne'et 24.12 



Plural 



SLnlyEin 



lEme'et 90.18 

qHowe'et 46.27 
nowe'et 

Lle'et 22.1 



x'ni yEm, 
lemi'yEm 

q E to u 'yEm 84.15 
nd u 'yEm 44.22 

l/ el' yEm 144.4 



x'eu- 

nx'im'yat I put it x'ne'et 10.1 
on top 
Ietti- 

ux lemU'yat they two 
set it up 8.10 
qE to u_ 

i^q E tow%'yat I hang 

it up 
(x)no'we, right 44.9 

L/a- to be on something 
U Lfalyat they put it 
on 80.20 

§ 54. Direct Plural Object -Ujsod 

The idea of plurality of objects in transitive verbs is not clearly 
developed. The treatment accorded to the different stems is so irregu- 
lar that no definite rules can be formulated. The majority of stems 
make no distinction between singular and plural objects, and occur in 
one form only. Other stems have different forms for the singular 
and plural; e. g., tsxa u - to kill one, aiw- to kill many, la- to 
put tn one, x'l!o u - to put in many, etc.; while a number of stems 
seem to express pluralit}^ of object by means of the affixed numeral 
particle JiEma (see § 109), or by means of the suffix -Hex. 

This suffix expresses the plural third person object, and may be add- 
ed directly to the verbal stem, or after the transitive suffixes -£, -ts. 

xwi'tsxut dma'UEx (many) deer he pulled 88.12 
a'yu U Lana'ltEx surely they headed them off 56. 16 
hats Ldwe'entc la u laal'tEx just all (wholly) she dragged them 80.9 
§§ 53-54 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 359 

§ 55. MISCELLANEOUS SUFFIXES 

While the functions of the verbal suffixes discussed in the preced- 
ing pages are clear, and could be described fairly accurately, there 
are a few others that appear only now and then, and express ideas 
of a varying character. It is possible that these suffixes may repre- 
sent the petrified remnants of grammatical formations that have 
become obliterated in the course of time. The following is a list of 
these suffixes: 

-«. This suffix seems to express in a number of instances our infini- 
tive idea. 

Iri&'wat xwi'tsxut he is habit- In'ta e'he Ie da'mtt hunting (had) 
ually hunting deer gone the man 108.9 

helmi'his aso' la In'ta next day again 
he went hunting 110.10 
SLaqa'e l wat she is bathing yixe'n SLa'qa la once bathing she 
him (caus.) 60.6 went (literally, to bathe) 84.24 

In a few cases it has been found suffixed to neutral stems, and seems 
to denote impersonal actions. 

loq u - to boil loqu'qwa Ie s*aL/ was boiling the 

pitch 102.11 
kwina'was smoke 22.23 In Icwi'ria not it smokes 110.14 

It is possible that this suffix may have the identical function with the 
-a (or -e) suffixed to the modal adverbs (see § 106), and it may 
consequently be related to the auxiliary -e (see § 44). 

-e. I am at a loss to detect the exact nature of this suffix and its 
etymological connection with any of the other suffixes. In the few 
instances in which it occurs, it was rendered by the passive, or else 
as an abstract verbal noun. 

k'ilo'wit she saw him 54.2 a'yu k'ilo'we % la u djl surely it was 

seen as it was coming 52.7, 8 

Jc'i'loHs he found it 32.10 la far h' v Le her canoe was found 

54.19 

ha'wl he grew up 64.12 la u ha u 'we it grew up (literally, 

goes its growth) 20.16 

Ida'lat he shouted (at it) 36.7 afwl nk'e'le I quit shouting (lit- 
erally, the shouts) 

mi' lot he swam 30.7 a'wi eFmi'le stop swimming (liter- 

ally, finish your swimming) 

§ 55 



360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

-anu. This suffix occurs in two instances only, and expresses in 
both of them the infinitive. It seems to be related to the verbal 
suffix -em (see § 45). 

yu'weL a pack 70.22 la u yu wi Le'?w he (went out in or- 

der) to pack (enu > anu [see § 7]) 
162.25 

ciHec toy 92.10 ma he'laq td ali'canu people came 

there (in order) to play 90.26 

-am occurs very rarely, and seems to denote the absence of the 
object of an action. 

qlmits he eats it 32.9 hats hanL e £ q/a'mtsa?/i just will 

you eat 42.23, 24 

lo u - to eat 17.2 la u tsix' he Ld'wiyam she usually 

here eats 24.4, 5 

Nominal Suffixes (§§ 56-80) 

GENERAL NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 56-65) 
§ 56. Nominal -is 

This suffix may be said to have a general nominalizing function. It 
is found suffixed to a great number of stems, and expresses general 
nominal ideas, including many of our adjectival terms. For a discus- 
sion of its etymological nature, see General Remarks, § 25. 

ha'wl he grew up 64.12 ha' wis ready 5.4 

sto u q he stood 20.4 stowa'qwis wall 90.18. . 

L/ats he spoke 16.2 L/e'yis language 16.1 

%luwe'Hc%s heart 5.3 k'ele'ms corner 58.13 

wix'i'Ms food 14.7 k'%na'w%s laziness 34.17 

hele'y%s salmon-roe 34.27 (k'i'nwis lazy) 

hu u 'm%s woman 24. 6 hwaye'is ridge, mountain 22. 13 

baltl'mis ocean 6.2 hwa'sis ball 38.19 

pi'lik'is anus 40.7 hwl'nts feather 26.21 

po u ' lewis slave klwa'sis wind 22.11 

pLpafwis hat 136.14 qa'yis day, sky, world 6.1 
tama'lis custom, fashion 19.8 qai'nis mouth of river 58.1 

tqa/Us sun 24.2 q E ma'tis fish-basket 36.7 

s%k'e' x 'h%s shield 28.7 xala'wis heat 24.9 

tshwa' x L%s fir-tree 9.2 la' x iAs mud 52.10 

tce e ne f nis edge 22.15 Itce'is ocean beach 7.11 

g'ilo'mis breakers 8.1 Lva'lis sand beach 58.1 
§56 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



361 



he' mis large 14.5 
hu'wts poor 42.5 
pL/is heavy 
mi'tsis wise 132.6 
t E qa ir L%s solid 7.6 
te/M'tts sweet 32.27 
tdlis dry 166.2 



k'i'nwis lazy 
kafE'mis five 5.4 
x'i'hois deep 
xa'lwis hot 24.6 
a?a'ms sick 42.18 
Le'mis raw 32.23 



§ 57. Nouns of Quality in -JEs, -tEs; -enis 

-Es, -tEs. This suffix changes adjectives (or adverbs) into abstract 
nouns. No explanation can be given for the phonetic difference be- 
tween the two suffixes. 



he' mis big 14.5 

na a nt much, many 50.13 

i}qai'na I am cold 

he'nlye a while 38.15 

hethe'te rich 26.2 
paa- to fill 15.7 



e'hentc far 26.23 
qaL long 

hlle'es black 162.13 
qat below 36.11 



hats kwa x'nek' hemi' stEs Jie 
x'dwd'yas the snake was just as 
big as a hair (literally, just like 
a hair [is] the size [of] the snake) 
86.2 

In kwee'nlyem Itse'ts he'il na a 'ntEs 
no one knew how many they 
were (literally, not knew they 
how [was] their quantity) 78.2 

xqaine'ES kd a s tsxau'wat cold 
nearly killed him 32.7 

ta u henl'yeES nyixu'me (for) such 
length of time I travel 26.9 

hethe'teES wealth 

la u paa' wes hE xd a p the water 
reached its full mark (literally, 
goes its fullness [of] the water) 
44.19 

ehe'ntcES distance 52.16 

qa'LtES length 

klle'estEs black color 

qa'tES, the lower part, half 16.10 



-enis transforms adjectives expressing sensations and emotions 
into abstract nouns. 



dnlqa you are hungry 70.12 



qa u 'net he got angry 32.25 



te* xwin a'ya laqe'nis these we two 
died from hunger (literally, 
these we two [are] hunger-dead) 
36.13, 14 

qa u we'nis anger, wrath 16.4 

§57 



362 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



§ 58. Nouns of Location in -JEm, 

This suffix expresses the abstract conception of a local idea. It is 
suffixed to adverbs only, and is (with one exception) preceded by the 
adverbial suffix -tc. It may best be rendered by the part of, the 
side OF. 



lexa'tca kwVnait 
looked 62.6 



inside he 



I' la before, first 56.9 



lexa'tcEm hariL nqa'qal in the inside 
(part of my eye) will I sleep 
40.2 

Tie yixd'wEx l-Exa'tcEm of the house 
the inside (part) 
yiqantce'witc backwards 32.13 jpEnLd'wai yiqa 'ntcE?n djl a whale 

behind it was coming 88.22 

U fc'ilo'wit ila'hatcEm d/l they 
saw it in front coming 88.5 

le'wi u lla'liatcEm dowa'ya Id eq- 
uate he liked his mother best 
(literally, it is [as] his first[-ness] 
he likes his mother) 120.19, 20 

xwandj yd'lanl Ie ma qa'tEm 
tila'qai that way are talking 
the people (who on the) lower 
part (of the river) live 66.12 



gat below 36.11 



§ 59. Verbal Abstract -awas, -neiwas 

-awas changes the verb into a noun. It expresses the abstract 
concept of a verbal idea. If the verb expresses an active, transi- 
tive idea, it is suffixed to the bare stem, while in intransitive verbs it 
is preceded by the intransitive suffix -em (see p. 349). In such cases 
the final vowel of the transitive suffix disappears, and the #-vowel of 
-awas effects the retrogressive assimilation of the stem-vowels and 
suffix- vowels (see § 7). 



c E a'lctet he is working 22.26 

LowP'wat she is eating 24. 5, 6 

ifyLlhats I put it on 

is ali'cam we two play 38.11 

Jqe dead 42.19 
ha'yat he gambled 66.15 
5 58-59 



i la u a'wi c E alcta'was when he quit 

(the) work 34.6, 7 
a'wi 'a Ldwa'was she finished (her) 

food 24.13 
la l! aha' was her clothes 110.3 
alicana'was l%n ha ux ts a game we 

(should) arrange 90.14 
aqana'was funeral 
hay ana/ was Indian game 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES' — COOS 363 

In one instance this suffix has been changed to -clwcll. 

qa'yaHs he is scared 126.1 In yu dl l l qayaiva'waL hardly any- 

thing can scare him (literally, 
not very something scaring [to 
him] 40.24; qayawd'waz a thing 
that scares) 

-ne l was* Composed of the distributive -nl l (see § 37) and the 
nominal -awas. Hence it expresses an abstract concept that has a 
distributive character. 

haqtsa! nlaxane if was Ldwa'Jcats she was sitting between his teeth (lit- 
erally, his teeth in the [mutual] between [-ness]) 102.18 

sowe'l laxanei'was between the fingers 108.21 

sqaiLrie 1 ' ivas the space between the fingers, a crack (sqai' L E xEm it 
was sticking in a crack 62. 8) 

§ 60. Verbal Nouns in -onts, -si 

-onis. This suffix indicates that something has become the object 
of a certain action. It may best be rendered by what became the 
object of. Either it is suffixed to the verbal stem directly, or it is 
preceded by the transitive suffixes -t, -ts (see § 26). 

U yd'lanl they are talking 90. 16 la u U yaalto'nis they begin to talk 

about it (literally, this they 
[have as their] object of speech) 
76.22 

nk'i'tits I cut it h'itUso'ms lahxla she commenced 

to cut her foot (literally, object 
of cutting her foot [became] 
80.21) 

lo u - to eat 17.2 la u Ldu'nis i ha'k'Uc la u yixu'me 

this became his food while he 
walked crawling (literally, that 
object of eating [it became] 
while crawling that one trav- 
eled) 32.11 

a'tsa he gave it to him 34.10 atso'nis gift 188.26 

-st is used in the formation of nouns from verbal stems. The best 
rendering that can be given for this suffix is the ruins, the rem- 
nants of. 

§ 60 



364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

ai'wit he killed them 68. 11 is ai'witsl Ue we two (are the) rem- 
nants of the slaughter 62.18 

x'pi it burned down 58.12 qawilal'we Ie yixa/wEx nx'pb'tsi 

she commenced to look around 
(of) the house the debris 58.18, 19 

It is very likely that the following example may belong here: 

k'itsi'mis, k'itsima' m%s half Tie Jc'Usi 'misi oA'vAt half of them 
32.11 he killed (literally, the remain- 

ing half he killed) 112.10 

§ 61. Nouns of Quantity in -in 

This suffix occurs in a few instances only. It is added to stems 
expressing adjectival ideas, and may be translated by piece, portion. 

tca'yux u small 42.6 I'k'l tca'yuxwm a'tsa (to) both a 

small portion he gave 120.17 

qaic small 128.29 qaim'nis ux yu' wi yu in a small 

place they two are stopping 6.3 

e'hentc far 26.23 na'yim ehentcEsV neHc djVnlt be- 

cause quite far apart it keeps 
comiug (literally, because dis- 
tance-portion-modality, [they] 
are coming [singly]) 52.18 

§ 62. Nouns of Agency in -ayawa, -eyawe, -iyawa 

These suffixes indicate the performer of an action. The -eyawe form 
is added to stems with e- vowels (see § 7). Since the informant was 
frequently at a loss how to express in English the idea conveyed by 
this suffix, he invariably translated it by to go and (perform the 
action in question). 

fa'lats he dances tallya'wa a dancer 

Lfx'Vnt he examined it 32.23 Lfx'inlya'wa examiner 
ni'h'in wood 102.2 ml' Lan nnik'ineya' 'we permit me 

to get some wood (literally, let 
me wood-gett-er be) 102. 1 
mi'laq arrow 12.10 is milaqayafwe we two go and get 

arrows (literally, [we two are] 
arrow-makers) 160.6, 7 
lo u - to eat 17.2 ^Ldwlya'wa I am an eater 

tyte'Htis Ldwlyctwa I go in and 
eat 168.2, 3 
§§ 61-62 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 

§ 63. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Place, -ts 
It is never suffixed to verbal stems. 
qa'ntcu where? 94.25 



365 



WIex medicine 



tsa'yux u small 20. 5 



qaic small 128.29 



ic xqantcu'wis from where are you 

two ? (literally, your two selves' 

whence place) 126.14 
xvrin l E lxeyawe r wis we two have 

been after medicine (literally, 

our two selves' medicine-makers 

place) 126.15 
tsayuxwi 'nis enl'h'exEm Ie lHoL 

on a small place is sticking out 

the land 44.26 
qaiei'nis ilx yv! wt yu on (some) small 

place they two are stopping 6.3 



64. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Locality, -urne 

, . is. It is added to nominal (or 



It signifies where the 
adverbial) stems only. 
ku u s south 



tse'tix' over here 



xwi'lux u head 30.14 



xhukwi'sume hi' yet! he came ashore 
on the south side (literally, 
from where south is, he came 
ashore) 

tseti'x'ume lo he v/ he u ha u 'wE here 
on this side make a knot! (liter- 
ally, where this is, on it, a knot 
make) 92.7, 8 

xwiluxu 'me where the head is 
146.26 



§ 65. Terms of Relationship in -ate {-ate) 

Terms of relationship appear with the suffix -ate or -ate (see § T), 
except in the vocative case, where the stem alone is used. A few 
nouns exhibit in the vocative case an entirely different stem, while 
others occur in the vocative form only. 

The phenomenon so characteristic of many American and other 
languages, whereby the different sexes use separate terms for the 
purpose of denoting corresponding degrees of relationship, is not 
found in Coos. This may in part be due to the fact that the language 
does not differentiate in any respect whatsoever between the two sexes, 
and that grammatical gender is a concept entirely unknown to the 
Coos mind. On the other hand, Coos has one trait in common 

§§ 63-6S 



366 



BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



with some of the languages of the neighboring tribes, namely, in so 
far as two different stems are used to denote the same degree of 
relationship by marriage. One is employed as long as the inter- 
mediary person is living, while the second is used after the death of 
that person. 

The following table shows the nouns expressing the different 
degrees of relationship: 



English 


Coos 


Vocative case 


Father 


e'kuL&tc 


k.'o'la.' 


Mother 


e?natc 


nl'k'.al 


Son 


(?) 


Lowa! 


Daughter 


kwayd'eite 


kwd'ya! 


Older brother 


ha' Late 


h&Li! 


Younger brother 


miLkwl'yatc 


ma'Lik! 


Older sister 


heni'kunatc 


he'nikwi! 


Younger sister 


kwlya'xLtc 


kwe'eh! 


Grandfather 


pka'katc 


pka'k'J 


Grandmother 


uma'catc, u'mac 


u'ma! 


Grandson 


teml'snatc, temi'sin 


temi'si! (sing.) 
tema'mls! (pi.) 


Granddaughter 


tek- itsi'natc 


teka'xtsi! 


Paternal uncle 


pu'yatc, pits 


pl'sl! 


Maternal uncle 


ax'i'axatc 


axa'x'! 


Paternal aunt 


d'tatc 


a'atl 


Maternal aunt 


xukwi'natc 


kwa'kwl! 


Father-in-law 


mitcL'tsinatc 


ya'k:' (?) 


Mother-in-law 


qali'ksatc 


kwa'lik! 


Son-in-law 


mi'nkatc 


(?) 


Daughter-in-law 


mElu e natc l 


(?) 


Brother-in-law 


ha'lik! 


hal! 


Sister-in-law 


kwl'hatc 


kwl'hai! 


Relative, by marriage, after 


xa'yusL&tc 


(?) 


death of person whose mar- 






riage established the relation- 






ship. 






Nephew (son of sister) 


tewi'tatc 


ten! 


Nephew (son of brother) 


(?) 


kvnne'w'uJ (?) 
nexleu' (?) 


Niece (daughter of sister) 


upxana'catc 


(?) 


Niece (daughter of brother) 


(?) 


pEkwl'nLl! 



Alsea maHun. 



Besides the above-enumerated terms of kinship, there are two stems 
that are used as such, although they do not, strictly speaking, denote 
any degree of relationship. One of these is the term sla'atc (vocative 
sla), employed by the Coos in addressing a male member of the tribe, 
and even a stranger; and the other is xwll, used in the same way in 
addressing females. 

§ 65 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



367 



In one instance the term kwe'nez is employed to denote sister, 
without mentioning the rank of her birth. All attempts to obtain 
the corresponding term for brother have proved unsuccessful. 

§ 66. SUFFIXES -ex, -iyisto, -lyetEoc 

These three suffixes, occurring in a few instances only, seem to 
express the idea pertaining to. They are suffixed to nominal and to 
adverbial stems. 



heHdj north 



yi'qantc behind 

z/an- 

qa'lu winter (?) 162.20 

qa'xan- up 14.1 

qa'yis sky 6.1 



Ie la'mak' lala u ts bildjl'yEx the 
bones those (are) the Umpqua 
Indians (literally, the Northern 
Indians) 50.5, 6 

yiqa 'ntcimex ma the last genera- 
tion 9.6 

L/a'riex qa'lyeq new salmon 36.25 

qa'lex old 38.18 

qaxam'yetEX ma from above the 
people 150.5 

oayisa'yEx ma the sky-people 



ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES (§§ 67-70) 
§ 67. Local and Modal -eHc, -Itc 

This suffix indicates rest, and was rendered by in, at, on, under. 
It is added to nouns and (very rarely) to verbs. For the parallel 
occurrence of -eHc and -itc, see § 2. (See note to § 36.) 

yixa/vjEx house 22.25 
Llta country 30.28 



he' wilts road 138.17 
q u wai's board 52.11 
xd°p water 6.9 
%x' canoe 44.20 

Jcwi'leL sweat- ho use 62.25 



yixafvjExeHc Ldwa'lcats in the house 

he is sitting 
yEai' Llta'Uc iiitse'ts in another 

country I stay 26.8, 9 
hewi'ltsitc stb u q on the road he 

stood 36.16 
i la u quwai'sltc tcildle'et while she 

under the board was 58.25 
xa a 'pitc (1)1 n mi'le in the water it 

was swimming 88.21 
osi'l i'x'ltc ux tclowl'yat in the 

middle (of the) canpe they two 

laid him down 126.23 
hvile'LeHc tsxu lot to'mtL in the 

sweat-house lay that old man 

28.11, 12 

U 06-67 



368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

tila'qai (many) live 36.11 hi'nl Ldwa'kats Ie til Ie ma xqat 

tila'qayltc there lived the kins- 
men (among) the people (who) 
below lived 60.11 

By prefixing to the noun the local prefix x- (see § 22), and by 
suffixing to it the suffix -eHc, -lie, the idea from is expressed. 

qa'yis sky 6.1 xqa'yisltc he'laq from the sky he 

came 

z/ta country 30.28 xyEai' zltd'ltc from another coun- 

try 26.6 

pqai' back 82.13 xyu'xwa ma z/d x k'ine if wat xpqai'- 

hltc two men were supporting 
him from the back 40.9 

When preceded by the discriminative x- (see § 23), this suffix 
assumes a modal significance, exercising the same function as the 
English adverbial suffix -ly or the word like. 

nmd'henet it is populated 12.4 hats hwa xmahe'ntltc stb'waq just 

like a person he stood up 114.23, 
24 
xmahe'ntltc k'ild'ivit Ie ma like 
persons she saw the beings (look) 
54.18 

a'yu sure enough 7.4 go u s dlH In xa'yuwlte tsxau'wat he 

killed a little of everything 
(literally, [of] everything not 
enough-ly he killed) 64.19, 20 

qa'lyeq salmon 34.14 xqa'lyeqeHc U Jctoina'elwat as 

salmon they look upon it 130.14 
xta'nuxwltc Ldwa'kats sideways he 
was sitting 38.10 

yixe 1 ' one 5.5 xyi'xeHc do! mil xyl'xeHc he'il 

hu u ma'k'e each man has one 
wife (literally, one [modal] man, 
one [modal] their wives) 48.5 

The prefix may sometimes be omitted, as shown by the following 

examples: 

qantc where 8.8 yi'TiwanL qantcl'tc ten la perhaps 

shall which way this I go 100.18 

qaic small 128.29 qai'dte ha u U yu'wilt into small 

pieces they divided it 130.26 

tsa'yux u small 20.5 isa'yuxwltcpi'lstat to pieces it was 

smashed 124.14 

§67 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



369 



Owing to its modal significance, this suffix expresses the idea of 
our collective numerals in twos, in threes, when added to the cardi- 
nal numerals. 

go u s qa'ntcltc xyuxwa' heHc U la everywhere in pairs they went 48.8 
xyipsE 1 'rieHc in threes (yi'psEn three) 

§ 68. Local Suffix, Indicating Motion, -etc 
The suffix -etc indicates motion, action, and maybe rendered by at, 

IN, THROUGH, ON, INTO. 



tcicl'mU spruce-tree 20.5 

dE'msit prairie 22.12 
yixa'wEx house 22.25 

tclwal fire 38.8 
a face 10.3 



zlai'yat Ie tsa'yux u tcici' miletc he 

put it on the small spruce-tree 

20.8 
Ie'y% dEmste'tc l hi' nap a good 

prairie through he goes 22.11 
yixafwExetc la into the house he 

went 28.10, 11 
yixd'wExetc dj% to the house he 

came 
tdwd'letc tlcits into the fire he 

shoved it 32.24 
Jcwina'^wat a'hetc he is looking at 

(his) face 



When suffixed to a stem with an «-vowel, the suffix is changed to 
-ate (see § 7). 



xa a p water 6.9 
lHo! ground 0.7 



t E lc!wil xa a 'jjatc into the water he 

dove 26.27 
rJ.ta'atc leml'yat on the ground he 

put it 64.1 



In some cases it may be suffixed to verbs. 



iAla'qai (many) live 36.11 
stb u q he stands 20.4 
ali'canl (they) play 94.8 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 24 



tel he'laq Ie ma tila'qayetc there 

he arrived, where the people 

were living 36.12, 13 
tso Ie ma qal sto u ' qetc he'laq now 

to the person (that) below stood 

he came 92, 4, 5 
he'laq Ie ma alicanl'waqatc he came 

to the people (that) were playing 

98, 14, 15 



370 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



§ 69. Local -ewitc 
The local suffix -ewitc is rendered by towards 
be { ldj north 

e'qatce aside 26.20 

yVqantc behind 

gaits inside 140.24 

yixa'wEX house 22.25 



bUdje'witc qai'cit to the north he 

scattered 48.24 
eqatce'wUc kwilkwe £ le if yu to one 

side he was rolled 94.19,20 
yiqantce' witc ilx backwards he 

looked 32.13 
qai'tsowUc il te'Hits (inside) they 

entered 22.29 
yixawExe'witc nla towards the 

house I am going 



§ 70. Instrumental -Etc 

It expresses our ideas with, against. When suffixed to a stem 
with an #-vowel, it is pronounced more like -ate; while, if suffixed to 
a stem with an e- vowel, it invariably sounded like -etc. When the 
instrumental idea with is to be expressed, the stem to which this 
suffix is added is very often preceded by the prefix x- (see § 24). 



ma'luk u paint 
%x' canoe 44.20 

tc/Utcf hammer 26.26 

mix'so'wl 1 lucky 20.14 

qleTe pitch 82.23 
ml'k'e basket 28.27 

qa'yis sky 6.1 
tqa'lis sun 24.2 
tctt'lE door 62.5 

§§69-70 



ma'lukwEtc lta'ya u la a red paint 

with was painted his face 10.2, 3 
ma xix'E'tc yixu'me people in 

canoes travel (literally, with ca- 
noes) 90.3 
tqanLts tcIi'ltdEtc Ie Tcw%'la u he 

struck with a hammer the ice 

28.1,2 
hata'yims mix'so'wEtc afficanl u 

men lucky money with they are 

playing 94.27 
q/ele'yEtc la u pa a ts with pitch it 

was full 74.25 
xmik'e'Eto toioi'tiniye in a basket 

he was dropped down (literally, 

with a basket) 28.9,10 
qd'yisEtc tshwl against the sky it 

struck 22.4 
tqa'ttsEtc pana 'qtsxEm in the sun 

he is warming himself 32.8 
x'ne' x 't%ts tc/ile'TiEtc she jumped 

against the door 76.2 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 371 

In the following instance the suffix is changed, without any apparent 
cause, to -yEtc. 

wa'lwal knife 78.11 t E qanLl'yeqEm xwa'lwalyEtc they 

hit her with a knife 80. 5 
In another instance it occurs as -aHc. 

go u s dV-l tsaya! nehaHc nLlpe'ne dlH with all kinds of small birds 46.2 

When suffixed to the article or to the personal pronouns, this suffix 
is changed to 4tc. 

Ie it 5.1 xle'itc ux k'/int with it they two 

try it 7.4 
n'ne I 50.25 nne'itc Jie'laq with (or to) me he 

came 
tfne thou 15.7 ye^ne'itc with, to thee 18.11 

xa he 15.10 hexa'itc with, to her 86.3 

xvnn we two hexwinne'itc with, to us two 24.3 

§ 71. SUPERLATIVE -eyint 

This suffix indicates great quantity or quality. It corresponds to 
our superlative. 

tsa'yux u small 20.5 Jie tsayuxwe'yim a'la the smallest 

child 

he' mis big 14.5 Jie liemise'yim yixa'wEX the big- 

gest house 

It is added mostly to terms of relationship that denote either a 
younger or an elder member of the family. In such cases it implies 
that the member spoken of is the younger (or elder) in a family con- 
sisting of more than two members of the same degree of kinship. 

heni'h u ndtc elder sister wandj L/ats Tie henihuntce 'yim 

(out of two) 50.8 that way spoke the eldest sister 

126.16 

§ 72. DISTRIBUTIVE -inl 
-int is suffixed to nouns of relationship onty, and expresses a degree 
of mutual kinship. It is etymologically related to the verbal dis- 
tributives -net, -anl (see §§ 25, 37). 

sla'atc cousin 42.21 fax sla'tcinl they two were mutual 

cousins 42.15 
hdfLdtc elder brother 72.27 lin haLtd'nl we are brothers mu- 
tually 
miLkwl'yatc younger brother ltat K E'mis U miLkwi'tcim five they 
72.1 (are) brothers (mutually) 90.8 

§§71-72 



372 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 73. INTERROGATIVE -u 

It is added only to the particles tcitc, qantc, mi' late, dl% wit, Uc, to 
the adverb ni'&tc, and to the stem Itse'ts (see pp. 406, 407, 408, 411). 

tch'tcu xa'lal u men what are they doing? 92.18 

xtcl'tcu tEn xafnis how is it that I am sick? 

la u qa'ntcu la that one where did he go? 94.25 

mi'lateu hanL e £ wu'txe when will you return? 28.3,4 

dl p lu he tE e £ wilo u 'wat what usually are you looking for ? 54. 3 

dlHtce'tvu hanL tEis k'/int with what shall we two try it? 7.1, 2 

{di i ltce , tcu=dVl + -tc+-Etc + -u (see §§ 108, 25, 70, 11) 
xwi'tu tsPx'ti'yat who did it? 

I'tcu e t dowa!ya e'xkan which one do you want? 50.17 
U ni'ctcu how many are they ? (literally, [are] they a few ?) 
itse'tsu hemi'stEs tl'ye yixa'wEx how big is your house? (literally, 

how [the] largeness [size] of your house ?) 

NUMERAL SUFFIXES (§§ 74-77) 
§ 74. Ordinal -is 

The ordinal numerals are formed by adding to the cardinals (see § 101) 
the suffix -is. The first two numerals are irregular, especially the 
ordinal for one. The adverbial stem lla ahead, the temporal adverb 
yuwint before, or the same adverb with the adjectival ending -lyEx, 
are used in lieu of the missing regular ordinal numeral for one. 
The ordinal for two is formed by adding the suffix -is to the adverb 

aSO AGAIN. 

I' la, yuwi'nt, yuwi'ntiyEx first 
aso'wis second 
yipsE'nis third 
heci}' lis fourth 
kat K E r mists fifth 

he 1 xa I'la Lowi'tat she first ran (literally, ahead) 56.9 

len yuwi'nt hu u 'mis my first wife (literally, my wife [whom 1 had] 

before) 
len aso'wis hu u 'mis my second wife 
Compare also helrrii'Ms next day {he'lml to-morrow 162.9) 6.7 

Of an obscure composition is the indefinite ordinal tsl'wis the last. 
Its first component can not be explained, while the ending is plainly 
the ordinal suffix -is. 

tso cku tsl'wis now (this) must (have been) the last one 120.1 

§§ 73-74 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 373 

§ 75. Multiplicative -en 

The multiplicative numerals are formed by adding to the cardinals 
the suffix -en times. 

1. yixe'n 6. ylxe^wieqen 

2. tso u xe'n 7. yuxvial 'wieqen 

3. ytpsE'nen 8. yixe^ahalen 

4. hecL tf Len 9. yuxwa' ahalen 

5. kafE'misen 10, Leplqa'nien 

The numeral for twice is irregular. It seems to be composed of 
the conjunction tso now, of the inclusive personal pronoun ux, and 
of the multiplicative suffix -en. 

yixe'n sLa'qa la once bathing she went 84.24 

tso u xe'n hanL nwu'txe in two days will I return (literally, twice) 

28.4 
kafE'misen qa'xantc x'ne' x 'tits five times upwards (they) jumped 

76.4 
tso k u kwa mctce'n qalirmfye then, perhaps, in a few days . . . 

(literally, now, perhaps, it seems, a few times, morning it got) 

56.21 

To this group belongs also the indefinite weste'n so many times, 
formed from the stem wes so many. 

Ms weste'n tsix' ta Ms western yEai' L/ta'Uc nltse'ts I stay here 
just as long as in the other country (literally, also so many 
times here, and also so many times in another country, I stay) 
26.8, 9 

§ 76. Ordinal-Multiplicative -entcis 

The ordinal-multiplicative numerals, expressed in English by at 
the first time, at the second time, are formed by means of the 
compound suffix -entcis. This suffix consists of the multiplicative -en 
(see above), of the modal -to (see § 36), and of the ordinal suffix -is 
(see § 74). 

xyixe 1 ' vneqe' ntcis lIIHg la iluioe'Hcis at the sixth time went out 

her heart 76.6, 7 
xkatf e' mise' ntcis at the fifth time 

The ordinal suffix -is may be omitted, as shown in the following 
example: 

hecL 1 ' Lento qaliml'ye la u laata'ya la sla'atc on the fourth day he 
went to his cousin (literally, four times [at] morning it got . . . ) 
42.20, 21 

SS 75-76 



374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 77. Distributive -hifla 

Distributive numerals in the sense of one each, one apiece, are 
formed by adding to the cardinal numerals the suffix -hina (see General 
Remarks, pp. 326, 327). The first two numerals, yixe { and yuxwa, 
change their final vowels into a before adding the suffix. This change 
may be due to purely phonetic causes (see § 7). The numeral for 
three, yi'psEn, drops its final n before taking the suffix. 

yixahi'na one each 

yUxwaM'na two each 

yipsEhi'na three each 

heci^LM'na four each 

Jcaf EmisMfna five each 

go u s yixahi'na il nhu u ma'Jc'e Ie wi'nqas u hi 1 ' me all of the Spider's 

children have wives each (literally, all, one apiece, they with 

wives [are], the Spider's children) 58.9 
yixahi'na he' is mi'laq we two have one arrow apiece 

• PLURAL FORMATIONS (§§ 78-79) 
§ 78. Irregular Plurals 

The majority of nominal stems have the same forms in singular and 
plural. There are, however, a number of nouns and adjectives that 
show in the plural a formation which is distinct from the singular 
form. This formation is based upon two grammatical processes, 
suffixation and phonetic change, and may be said to be of a petrified 
character. It is impossible to describe, or even suggest, the pro- 
cesses that may have taken place in this formation; hence no attempt 
will be made to discuss them in detail. 

The following is a list of nominal stems that occur in two distinct 
forms, — one for the singular, and the other for the plural: 



Singular 


Plural 




a'la 10.8 


hV'me 20.3 


child 


hu u 'mis 24.6 


hu u ma f fre 20.3 


woman 


to'm%L 20.2 


tEmd'Le 24.1 


old man 


da' mil 14.7 


ti'mill 56.18 


man 


ma 10.1 


men 24.22 


human being 


Jc'nes 


Jc'ene'yese 30.16 


hunchback 


tsa'yux u 20.5 


tsaya'ne 48.7 


small 


tce'xet 


tce'nixet 46.19 


short 


qaL 


kaLE'mka 134.25 


tall 


aiA'maq 112.27 


am'maqa 44. 20 


big 


^<?10.9 


titcd'ne 4:$.S 


kind, manner 



§ 77-78 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 375 

This distinction is not consistently carried out. Cases where the 
singular form is applied to denote plural concepts are quite numerous. 
This phenomenon is very natural, since in place of the idea of plurality 
we find rather the idea of distribution developed in Coos. 

§ 79. Plural of Terms of Relationship, -lyas 

The only substantives that form a plural by means of a specific 
plural suffix are the terms of relationship. The suffix employed for 
this purpose {-lyas) may be added directly to the stem, or may be 
preceded by the suffix of relationship, -ate {-ate) (see pp. 365, 366). 

mEani'yas parents 86.12 
hwlya' x Ltc younger sister 50.14 kwiLtci'yas younger sisters 82.14 
ha' Late older brother 72.27 hdztd'yas, kaiA'ya solder brothers 

130.23 
e'~k u Latc father 20.13 efc u Ltci r yas, eh u L%'yas fathers 

eF'natc mother 68.16 e £ ntci'yas mothers 

This suffix may be present in the stem l Italy as village, derived 
from L.'ta earth, ground, country. The initial! of the suffix would 
amalgamate with the final a of the stem into a (see § 9), and the noun 
would express a collective plural. 

§ 80. MINOR SUFFIXES 

Besides the suffixes discussed in the preceding pages, Coos has a few 
suffixes of obscure function, that occur sporadically only, and that are 
confined to certain given stems. These suffixes are as follows: 

-i occurs in one or two instances, and is rendered by and all. 

mi'laq arrow 12. 10 ; nmi'laqa hemi'yat Ie ma u Jcwa'xaL nmi'laqai 
with arrow he is 20.18 she took out a person's bow and 

arrow and all 62.23 
la'mah' bones 40.12 nttft ta nla'mah'i with flesh and 

bones and all 

-ca is suffixed to the noun hu u 'mi7c old woman. It was explained to 
me as having an endearing character, but instances are not 
lacking where the suffix is used in a derogatory sense. 

wdndj Lla'xEm Ie hu u rrd f h'ca thus talking is the (dear) old woman 

82.19, 20 
Lxant tdwale'tc Ie hu u mi'k'ca (she) threw it into the fire, the (bad) 

old woman (the Giant- Woman) 

U 79-80 



376 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



•ay tins occurs in three instances, and seems to have a nominalizing 
character. 



tclhats he put it out (the light) 
128.16 



ice £ titcf you two come in! 

82.14 
hethe'ie rich 26.2 



k'/dtc/ha'yims la u tcIUe'et it (the 
fire) is burning continually (lit- 
erally, without [being] put out 
it is- caused to burn) 40.25, 26 

titca'yims ndowafya to come in 1 
(should) like 

hata'yims money 20.15 



'%yaX, 9 -ayaL, are suffixed to a few verbal stems, and seem to 
denote the performer of an action. 



In- to hunt 24.26 
ali'canl he plays 
lo u - to eat 



Inl'ycbL ma a hunter 
alicanl'yaL a player 
Ldwl'yaL a person that eats 
qacqayafyaL a shadow ( ?) 104. 



tye 9 -dye. This suffix is added to a number of stems expressing 
adjectival ideas. It is idiomatically employed in the formation 
of comparison (see p. 417), and in some instances it is used to 
indicate plurality of adjectival concepts. When used for the 
purpose of expressing comparison, it seems to have a nominal- 
izing function. 



pL/is heavy 



x'i'lwis deep 



xu'us light 



yu kwa paii/a'ye xkwi'naHc they 
(pi.) look very heavy (literally, 
much as if weight [according to] 
appearance) 64.8 

o&'l la u x'iluwl'ye Iex ya'bas the 
maggots go halfway deep (liter- 
ally, middle, goes its depth [of] 
the maggots) 40.12 

his xa ta Jie'ux xwa/wiye Ie e*ne 
they two are as light as you 
(literally, also he and their two 
light weight [as] yours) 



Singular 


Plural 




pL/is 


jpaLl'd'ye 


heavy 


rmftds 128.20 


matsa'ye 


wise 


xu'us 


xioawl'ye 


light 



•yvya is suffixed in one or two instances to local adverbs, giving them 
an adjectival coloring, as it were. 

§80 



boas J HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 377 

Mnl there 5.2 K%nl'y%ya ma dlH la u miftsU from 

there the people something 
know 128.19, 20 
tsi he'tt tama'lis himfyiya ma just 
their fashion (of the) people from 
there 130.8, 9 

The function of this suffix may best be compared to that of 
the German suffix -ige in phrases like— 

der heutige Tag this day 

die dortigen JEinvwhner the inhabitants from there 

-i has been found suffixed to the article only. It seems to express 
the idea of instrumentality, although this idea ma}^ be due to 
the prefixed instrumental n-. 

Ie it, he, the 5.1 nle'hi la with it he went 42:8 

nle'hl wu'txe with it she returned 

70.23 

The infixed h is due to hiatus (§ 10). 

Reduplication (§§81-83) 
§ 81. Introductory 

Reduplication as a means of forming grammatical processes is 
resorted to frequently in Coos. The reduplication may be either 
initial or final. Initial reduplication affects the consonant, vowel, or 
whole syllable. It consists in the repetition of the weakened vowel 
or consonant of the stem, or in the duplication of the first stem- 
syllable. ' The connecting vowel between two reduplicated consonants 
is the obscure £-vowel; but, owing to the great tendency of Coos 
towards euphony, this obscure vowel is frequently affected by the 
stem-vowel (see § 7). Final duplication is always consonantic, and 
consists in the repetition of the final consonant by means of a con- 
necting obscure vowel, which very often changes its quality in accord- 
ance with the stem- vowel preceding it, or with the vowel of the suffix 
that follows it (see § 7). 

The grammatical use of reduplication is confined chiefly to the verb. 

§ 82. Initial Reduplication 

Initial reduplication expresses, in connection with the proper verbal 
suffixes, intensity of action, repetition, duration, and customary 
action. It is employed, furthermore, in the formation of the passive 

§§ 81-82 



378 



BUBEAIT OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



voice. Syllabic reduplication is used very often in addition to a pho- 
netic device (see § 84) for the purpose of forming a number of verbs 
expressing transitive ideas of continuous duration. These verbs do 
not then require any of the transitive suffixes. This latter application 
may be of a later, secondary origin. 

Examples of reduplication of initial sound, or of initial consonant and 
following vowel: 



vwn~ 



to cheat 



qaic small 128.29 

ai-wit (he) killed them 124.4 
pils- to tear up 
tl w - to coil 
lo u - to buy 

Examples of syllabic duplication: 
tcine'Jienl he is thinking 24. 13, 



e s wiwind' 'mi I am cheating you 
qEqai'cu la wi'tin clubbed (into 

pieces) is his blood 10.6 
U aiatfwa'yu they were killed 58.8 
pEpilsu'ye he was torn up 48.16 
TitUlwe 1 ' 'wat I am coiling it 
Ld u Ld u wi'yeqEm it is being bought 

88.13, 14 



en hanL tcintcina'is you shaVt 
14 think of me 88.29 

dim- to attract <Ainclma , e i waq it was attracting by 

means of its breath 88.25 
it%sld u 'wat he recognized it itl'tisi'lu (she) is being recognized 



two put it 



30.28 
ux M'toHs they 

down 7.4 
l&p- to paint 

zo u x- to hit 

pd u 'lcivis slave 

wIl- to twist 



sl'x'its he shook it off 42.3 



56.5 

la u hithltowe^wat these he is put- 
ting down 34.8 

xle'Uc lipll'yap la a with it she 
painted their faces 122.6 

xna a nt la u lo u xlo u/ wax many that 
one were hitting 80.4, 5 

ma po u 1cpd u ' 'wak u people she was 
enslaving 70.15 

xqe H ltc wimoet'yaL slowly she is 
twisting him 60.7 

nsix'sl'yax' I am shaking it off 



Owing to the fact that reduplication and duplication are based upon 
the principle of consonantic or stem weakening, the repeated element 
occurs very often in a changed form. The following rules have been 
observed in this respect: 

(1) The semi-vocalic y reduplicates into a long I. 
yixe'ntce together 64.8 iyixantcu'ye it was gathered up 

yatet'wat he is coaxing him wandj U %'yatu thus they were 

coaxed 98.4, 5 

§82 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 379 

(2) The spirant x' in consonantic combinations, when reduplicated, 
becomes lc\ In the same manner alveolar s becomes the affricative ts. 

is x'lIoH we two put it in U k'ix'L/owe if icat they are putting 

26.25 them in frequently 52.9 

x'tl it slid down 26.19 ~k'%x'tl'yu it was slid down 94.5 

yixe'n SLa'qa la once to bathe tsisLa'qaai she was bathing 84.21 

she went 84.24 
sto u q he stood 20.4 tsEstbql 1 ' yu he was made to stand 

on his feet 

(3) The reduplication of the fortis palatal Tc! consists in the mere 
amplification of the consonant by means of a prefixed #-vowel. 

Icla'lat he shouted 36.7 akla'laai Ie Jiu uf m%s shouting is the 

woman 56.5 

(4) Combinations of two or more consonants, of which a velar, a 
palatal, a nasal (m, n), an h or Z, form the second element, reduplicate 
the second consonant. The lateral (I) is in such cases preceded by a 
vowel, since initial combinations of 1 + velar are impossible. 

skwl'wat he informed him wandj TcwWkwl'wat that way he is 

164.22 informing her 60.19 

tsxaim'yat he put it down xEtsxavie 1 ' icat he is putting it 

36.21 down 

Lkwa'at he cut it off JcvAlJcwo! yu it was cut off 76.14 

sqats he seized it 36.20 ma qEsqa'yu the person was 

seized 10.4 
z/xant he threw it 42.10 xaL ! xanl 1 ' wat he is throwing it 

frequently 
a'lqas fear 66.4 aqa'lqsona'ya he became afraid 

of him 28.24, 25 
Llha'tsa he put on 28.23 hahlha'yu it was put on 

xiitenl'yat he tipped it over mExmenet'wat he is tipping it over 

46.26 
q/mits she ate it 24.16 mEq/mi'yu it is eaten 142.6 

x E al%'yat he hugged him 116.4 elxe £ le if yu he was hugged 
Compare also — 

lai'xwit she jabbed him 112.17 ilExu'ye he was jabbed 

ilnoH he opens (the door) ndLlnowe 1 ' 'icat he is constantly 

opening (the door) 

(5) Syllables ending in an ?;?, n,l+ consonant omit the m, ?i, and I in 
the repeated syllable. 

Jcwilt- to roar TcvAtkitn'ltaai it is roaring 114.6 

qals- to cut qasqa'lsaai be is cutting 

§ 82 



380 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



x'ne' x 'tits he jumped 32.4 x'itx'i' ntaai he is jumping 

mi'ntdts she asked him 62.15 mUcmi'ntd'yeqEm he is asked 

70.9 
ux ha uf xha u ma u x they two are 

dressing hides 68.27, 28 
ic tElta'mUtu you two (will) get 

strong 120.17,18 
Idwa! xkhoanax he is cutting his 

hair 
tsi'k'tsilah' he is tying a knot 
si'psilap he is combing (his hair) 



ha u mx- to dress hides 

da! mil man 14.7 

h!wanx u - to cut (the hair) 

tsilh' to tie a knot 
silp- to comb (hair) 



A number of stems occur in parallel forms showing both conso- 
nantic reduplication and syllabic duplication. 



yixe'nice together 64.8 

x'ne'et he is on top 10.1 

7/iintc- to ask 
cuLts he set afire 



iy%xantce s rie if yu it was gathered 

up 
yExyixentce £/ ne i yu it was gathered 

up 84.16 
x'inx'ine 1 ' 'wat he is putting it on 

top 
x'i'x'intu it is being put on top 
mitemi'natc she is asking 80.12 
mEmmtcu' ye he was asked 
ciLcu'Laai it is burning 
cecu'lu fire was set to 58.11 



§ 83. Final Reduplication 

Final reduplication is used for the purpose of expressing distribu- 
tion, mutuality, and, in intransitive verbs, an action that is performed 
now and then (see § 37). It is also employed as a means of forming 
neutral verbs that indicate actions of long incessant duration. 



i/Eq he went away 

sd ux t- to trade 
hu u 'm%s woman 26.7 
std u 'waq he stood 20.7 
kwUl'yat he rolls it 
hw a a/tis dream 98.7 

83 



qai'nis la u yaq E qd'n% from the 
shore they are running away (one 
after the other, singly) 36.18,19 

is so ux titafnl JianL we two will 
trade (mutually) 16.7, 8 

inlExa'na la u lm u misisa! n% them- 
selves they marry 12.5 

stowa'qEqani he is continually 
standing up and sitting down 

hwil E la'm Ie haltl'mis rolling is 
the ocean 6.2 

la u kwa a t E sisa!n% he is constantly 
dreaming (literally, now and 
then) 72.1 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



381 



lk!w% tE xd a p runs down the 

water 16.9 
x'pi Ie yixafwEx it burned 

down, the house 58.12, 13 
wu'txe he came back 28.9 



k/ ux wi' Ie ku u 'mis the woman 

was lost 51.19 
nEq he ran away 100.16 



lk!wa'k u tE xd a p is continually run- 
ning down the water 17.1 

x'pa'ap Ie . yixa'wEX burning 
(down) is the house 

wutxa'xa te'%s hi* me came back 
(one by one) our (dual) children 
41.7 

heripLpd'wis k/u' wax 11 my hat got 
lost (impersonal) 

U uEqa/qa they ran away (sever- 
ally) 



There are a number of stems expressing verbal, nominal, and adjec- 
tival ideas, that appear invariably in reduplicated or doubled form. 
Some of these expressions are onomatopoetic in character; others 
may have been borrowed from the neighboring languages; while still 
others may be new formations, necessitated by the introduction of 
new ideas and concepts through the contact of the Coos with the 
white people. (See also § 116.) 

The following is a partial list of such stems: 



e'qeq killing spot 80.11 
(compare e'qe- to die) 

yi'myim eyelash (compare 
yim- to twinkle) 

wa'lwal knife 78. 11 

ha'x'hax' wagon (compare 

hatx'- to drag) 
hethe'te rich 26.2 
he u 'he u knot 92.8 
pu'spus 1 cat 

pu u 'xpux a spout 30.25 



ta u 'ta u basket 112.4 
tsEtse'Jcwin cane 28.18 
tsEli'mtsElim button 



li'plip white man's paint (com- 
pare lefp- to paint) 
tco'xtcox rabbit 60.23 

g'img'Vmis rain (compare g'i'mit 

it rains) 
h'Vnk'in stick 

Jc'ish'a' 's%l fish-hawk 

Jcu'kum raven 

qatqai'L belt 28.7 (compare tqa { L- 

to put a belt on) 
qa/lqal digging-stick 26.17 
x'i'nx'in saddle (compare 

x'ne'et it is on top) 
xa' Lxat ax (compare Lxat- to chop) 
xwa'lxwal eye 40. 1 
xwi'tsxut deer 64.19 



ta'ntan to come ashore (whale) 128.28 

ph' Xm p% to go home 28.3 

yu'yu to stop (while traveling) 5.2 



Chinook jargon. 



§ 83 



382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Phonetic Changes (§§ 84-85) 

Grammatical processes by means of phonetic changes are few in 
number, and not clearly developed. The phonetic change may be of 
a vocalic or consonantic character. 

§ 84. Vocalic Changes 

Vocalic change is confined to the verb, and consists in the amplifi- 
cation of the stem by means of a vowel (usually the &-vowel), or in 
the modification of the vowel connecting a suffix with a stem. Stem 
amplification is employed for the purpose of forming active or transi- 
tive verbs from verbal stems, and of denoting duration of action. 
The latter application occurs in verbs that have already been transi- 
tivized by means of some transitive suffix. The stem is frequently 
duplicated before amplification is applied to it (see §§82,83). For 
another explanation of this phenomenon see §§4, 11. 

tkwlL- to follow In tcltc tkwl'yaz (they) can not fol- 

low him 

tdnL- to reach y%xa/ wExetc tcVnaL I'd ~k u ma'x. 

to (the roof of) the house reached 
its horn 86.25, 26 

stb u q he stood 20.4 nhaLf sto'waq at the foot of the 

tree he stood 26.17 

ux yu'yu they two stopped ux yu /wt yu they two stopped (for 
(for a moment) 5.2 a long time) 5.5 

k/a u - to peck k'ilo'wit h!a r wai he saw him (in 

the act of) pecking at it 20. 9 

silp- to comb one's hair si'psilap he is combing his hair 

mintc- to ask wandj mitcmi'natc that way she is 

asking 80.12 

wIl- to twist xqe'ltc wiLwet'yaL slowly she is 

twisting him 60.7 

Modification of a connecting vowel, whenever it occurs, is employed 
for the purpose of indicating duration of action. As this phenomenon 
has been discussed more fully in connection with the transitive suffixes 
-t and -ts, the reader is referred to the chapters dealing with those 
suffixes (see § 26 and also p. 357), in order to avoid repetition. 

uxli'cit they two shake it 13.8 IV cat Jie h!ta (he) is shaking the 

earth continually 16.2 
nmu/xwit I felt it nmu'xwat I am feeling it 

nltits I painted it nltats I am painting it 

§84 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 383 

§ 85. Consonantic Changes 

The application of consonantic changes as a means of forming gram- 
matical processes is a very peculiar phenomenon, characteristic of 
the Coos language. Its use is confined to a very few instances; and 
the process, while to all appearances consisting in the hardening 
of the final consonant, is of such a petrified nature that it is no longer 
possible to analyze it. It occurs only in a few nouns of relationship, 
and its significance may be said to be endearing and diminutive, The 
following examples of consonantic change have been found: 

Jewess a young woman 86.1 kwe'ik' a young girl 12.2 
hu u 'mis woman 24.6 hu u 'mik' old woman (used in the 

same sense as we use our phrase 

MY DEAR OLD WIFE) 58.5 

da' mil man 14.7 to'm%L old man 20.2 

dl'lol young man 22.6 di'ldL young boy 60.2 

Syntactic Particles (§§ 86-95) 

§ 86. Introductory 

By syntactic particles is meant here the great number of enclitic 
and proclitic expletives that are employed in Coos as a means of 
expressing grammatical categories and syntactic relations. They 
cover a wide range of ideas, and refer more properly to the whole 
sentence than to any specific part of it. With the exception of two 
particles, none of them are capable of composition; that is to say, 
they can not be used with any suffix or prefix, although two or even 
three particles may be combined into one. Such combined particles 
usually retain the functions of each of the component elements. All 
syntactic particles are freely movable, and may be shifted from one 
position to another without affecting the sense of the sentence. 

§ 87. Temporal Particles 

1. han about to. It denotes actions that will take place in the im- 
mediate future. Its position is freely movable, and it may be 
placed before or after the verb. 

tso han hmflt Ke k'Umna/rrds now he was about to bend the half 

62.29 
x E all r yat han hE dl'lol he is about to hug the young man 114.26. 

SS 85-87 



384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

2. hanL shall, will. It is regularly used to denote a future action, 

and it is the sign of the future. It either precedes or follows 
the verb. 

nen •pka'katc hanL nk'Uo'wit I will see my grandfather 

go u s dlH hanL ha'wl everything will grow 9.3 

dm sqats hanL tE tc/wal you shall seize that yonder fire 40.18, 19 

is alVcanl hanL we two will play 38.11 

m Ie'y% hanL not good will (it be) 

3. Bit intend, about to. It gives the sentence the force of a peri- 

phrastic future. It either precedes or follows the verb. 

i gantc eU eHa when anywhere you intend to go 15.3 
% dl l l U Ldwe {/ wat eU when something they intend to eat 38.2 
qaik u ux wutxa'xa eU te'is hl v me I thought that they two should 
come back, those our (dual) children 41.7 

4. title !wa used to (be). It denotes an action that took place long 

ago. It is often used as a sign of the past tense. In such cases 
it is always preceded by the particle he usually (see below), 
and it follows the verb which is used in its repetitive form. 

te* n%k!wa ye £ ne u nafhin this used (to be) your shinny club 38.16 

xd a p nZu'qwit nllilwa water I used to boil 

nwiwl'naai he nlklwa I used to cheat 

nsVpsilajJ he nx'ne'Jc' n%k!wa I used to comb my hair 

By suffixing to mklwa the obsolete suffix -li, the temporal adverb 
niklwa'll yesterday is obtained. 

n%k!wa'll K^qa'la yesterday I crossed (the river) 

hu u 'm%s he'laq Ie niklwa'll a woman arrived yesterday 142.10 

5. Tie usually, frequently, habitually, denotes an action that is 

performed very frequently. The particle either precedes or 
follows the verb. The verb is very often used in the repetitive 
form, whenever possible. 

go u s mi'latc he LlafxEm always usually he is talking 15.4 
tEma'Le ma la u tclicUa'l^wat he old people on that sit habitually 
38.3 

When following the future particle hanL, or its potential form yanL 
(see p. 391), he coalesces with them into hanLawe and yanLawe 
respectively. 

yanLawe dlH e £ qa u ivenisa'ndya, hanLawe xle'itc I'nuwl e £ L!afxEm 
whenever you will get mad at something, you will talk with it 

§87 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 385 

loud (literally, if shall usually something you get angry at it 
shall usually with it hard you be talking) 16.3, 4 
yanLawe xqantc ma hu'yam, lEla u hanzawe e £ Jcwd f nand'ya when- 
ever a person gets ready to come from somewhere, this you 
shall usually tell (literally, if shall usually from where a person 
get ready [to come] this shall usually you tell it) 19.3, 4 

The particle he amalgamates with the adverb yu very into a tem- 
poral adverb, yuwe whenevek. 

xa'hms he yuwe la u yixu'me warm usually (it is) whenever that 

one travels 24.6 
yuwe yi'mat ha u go u s mi'latc lohHo'Jcwaai whenever he twinkles 

(his eyes), it is always lightning 16.6, 7 

The same process may have taken place in the rare adverb towe 
when. The first component may be a stem, to-, while the second 
element is the particle he. The example given below will sub- 
stantiate this assertion. We have here a complex of two sen- 
tences stating a fact of frequent occurrence. In the first sen- 
tence the repetitive particle occurs clearly, while it seems to be 
missing in the subordinate sentence. And since, according to 
the examples given above, all the components of a complex of 
sentences must show the particle he, it is safe to assume that the 
frequentative particle is one of the two elements in towe. The 
example follows : 

xyEai' Lltd'lte he ux yixu'me towe hu u 'mis hlkla'mtlye from 
another country usually they two travel when(ever) a woman 
gets her monthly courses 26.6, 7 

§ 88. Particles Denoting Degrees of Certainty and 

Knowledge 

6. fowa it seems, as if, like, kind of, denotes an object or an action 

the quantity or quality of which is not intimately known to the 
speaker. 

hats Jcwa to'hits just as if he hit it 

Jcd a s Jcwa li' cat hE L/td almost as if he shook the earth 16.2 

hats hxoa u'yu wma'qaxEm lal Ldwe if wat just like a rainbow is 

spread out that (which) he was eating 32.14 
hats Jcwa Qtd'miL just like an old man 1 (am) 

7. ylhw, h u maybe, perhaps, i guess. Both forms appear without 

any apparent distinction. This particle may apply to any part of 
speech in a sentence, and its position is freely movable. It has a 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 25 § 88 



386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

dubitative character. It expresses the possibility of a certain 
action taking or having taken place, and at the same time doubts 
the certainty of its occurrence. 

hi'ni Jc u I'Jc'EXEm 1%'ye ha! Late there perhaps amongst (them) is 

your elder brother 94.28 
tsi tc u ic Jiewese'nl merely perhaps you two are lying 28.13, 14 
LafyEtat Jc u (she) may get hungry 64.15 
e £ xa!nis Jc u maybe (that) you are sick 

This particle is very often followed by the negation In not. 

yiJcu In xafnis he is probably sick (literally, maybe [or maybe] 
not he is sick) 

When followed by the future particle hanL, it amalgamates with it 
into yihwanL or JcwanL (see §§ 8, 9), and it is translated by 

(i) WONDER WHETHER, (i) SUPPOSE IF. 

n% JcwanL alya nqafy a won't I loose my breath? (literally, not I 

perhaps will [be] gone my breath) 54.13, 14 
la u nxii/ts JcwanL suppose I hit that one with a club (literally, 

that one 1 hit it with a club perhaps shall) 124.16 
yihwanL di'ltl 1 nLdw&'wat I wonder what I shall eat (literally, 

maybe will that there I eat it) 32.19, 20 

It is contracted with the following ul into yiJcuL, Ml (see § 9 and 
p. 391). 

yiJcuL In Idyl perhaps that will be good (literally, perhaps would 

[be] that not good) 
yiJcuL xtclte yuL Lim nha ux ts I wonder how it would be if I 

should make a dam (literally, perhaps would [be] how, if should 

a dam I make) 34.16 
m Jcul qaic ha u 'p%t ten xmVnkatc could not my son-in-law cut off 

a chunk? (literally, not perhaps would a chunk cut off this my 

son-in-law) 128.29 

When followed by the particle U surely (see p. 388), it is contracted 
with it into yiJcwil or Jcwil (see § 8), and lends to a statement a 
high degree of probability. 

• qa'wax Jcwil Wye ha' Late above may (be) surely your elder brother 
96.4, 5 

The particle yiku, Jc u , appears sometimes as yikwa, yikwe, or Jcwe. 
The reason for this phonetic change could not be found. 

yiJcwa qantc la where may it have gone? (literally, perhaps some- 
where it went?) 88.3 

§88 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 387 

yikwe dlH ts nk'Uo'wit what may it be that I see? (literally, per- 
haps something this I see it) 108.11 

kwa hwe yu In a'yu l sla% (I) wonder if it is not so, cousin? (liter- 
ally, as if perhaps very not surely [it] must be, O cousin!) 38.21 

8. hakwal, kwctf. A compound particle having the same signifi- 

cance as kwa. It consists of the unexplained prefix ha- (which 
seems to occur also in hamlL, see p. 392), the particle kwa, and 
the abbreviated form of (Ml (see p. 407). 

hakwal x'ia'yam Ie li'kwit kind of reddish (were) the feathexS 20.10 
k!wa a nt hakwal qa'l u xtat he heard some kind of a noise (literally, 
he heard as if a noise were made) 60.29 

9. qen denotes suspicion. It is very difficult to render it in English 

otherwise than by a whole sentence. 

kwa qen dlH Lli'niEq she suspected some scent (literally, as if, 
suspicion, something [a] smell) 24.10 

kwa qen m,a ic SL?ia , e i wat it seems as if you two are hiding a per- 
son (literally, as if, suspicion, a person you two are hiding) 24.11 

10. qaiku expresses a supposition on the part of the speaker. It 

was invariably rendered by i thought. Its first component 
can not be analyzed, while the second is clearly the particle k u . 

qaiku ux wutxa'xa eU te'%s hl if me I thought they two were going 

to come back, these our two children 44. 7 
qaiku In U ye £ ne u ' Id I thought not surely (this was) your property 

112.7 

11. qainl. Neither of the two elements of this particle can be 

analyzed. It indicates that a certain fact came suddenly into 
one's recollection, and may best be translated by oh, i recol- 
lect, i remember. It is usually amplified by the particle l 
(see p. 392), which either follows it immediately or else is placed 
at the very end of the sentence. 

qainl l nwa'waLa u qayis he recollected that this was a spider 
(literally, recollection, must be, with [its] spider, world) 30.3 

qainl k u nlo'we u qa'yis l he came to remember that there was 
such a thing (literally, recollection, perhaps, with such a thing, 
the world, must [be]) 32.9 

12. natsl. It is used by the speaker for the purpose of expressing 

doubt. It was rendered by i doubt. 

§88 



388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

nats'i xdiH la u Ldwe if wat I doubt (whether) some one (will) eat it 

36.9 
natsl osteite lin sqats (we) doubt (whether) we (shall) catch it 

56.19, 20 

13. hen hearsay. It denotes that a certain occurrence or fact is 

, known to the speaker from hearsay only. It may best be trans- 
lated by I WAS TOLD, IT IS SAID. 

ha'wi hen Ie wVnqas u tend' mate grew up the Spider's grandson, 

it is said 66.11, 12 
pEULd'wai hen ta'ntan whales are reported to (have) come ashore 

128.28 
ye £ ne u L r le hen la u nai'wit your enemies (as I heard you say) those I 

killed 110.16, 17 

14. II surely, certainly, confirms a statement, and gives it the 

appearance of certainty. It is often used in apposition to hen, 
whenever the speaker wishes to imply that he himself was a wit- 
ness of a certain occurrence. It denotes knowledge by experi- 
ence, and may be translated by i saw it. It either follows or 
precedes that part of a sentence which it is to specify more 
clearly. 

ma il TiLdwet'wat persons I do eat, indeed 24.18 

niloxqai'ms ma il I am a doctor, surely 10.2 

tel il e s Lo u k u there, indeed, sit down 38.22 

nk'iWwit il I saw him, for sure 

xafnis il he is sick (I saw it) 

Ie'yI hanLel it will be good certainly 15.9 (hanzel = hanz + il 

see § 7) 
In hel sla not so, cousin 42.23 (see § 7) 

15. cku indicates knowledge by evidence. It is used whenever the 

speaker wishes to state a fact that occurred beyond doubt, but 
whose causes are not known to him. It is composed of c E (see 
p. 389) and k u . It may be rendered by it must have been 
that. 

yu'xwa cku hu u mafk'e yu'Jcwe two women must have gone ashore 
126.11, 12 (the speaker knows this fact to be true by examining 
the tracks on the sand beach) 
hats cku kwa xma la u tel hithltowe 1 ' wat just it must be as if a per- 
son that thing there put it 112.2 (the evidence of this fact was 
the finding of the object in question) 
§88 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 389 

§ 89. Particles Denoting Connection tvitfo Previously 

Expressed Ideas 

16. yiqax, yiqa. The exact significance of this particle is not clear. 

It was rendered by still, anyway, at any rate, neverthe- 
less, right away, just. In some cases it denotes a continual 
action. 

yiqa in to' hits Ke to'qmas still not he hit the woodpecker 22.5 

yiqa hariL tsix' e s hak u to u 'wat Wye ix' at any rate, you will here 
leave your canoe 54.10, 11 

yiqax hanz nla right away I am going 

ma yu'xwa ma la, yiqa il tsxau'wat even if two persons go, never- 
theless they kill thein 90.10 

hats yiqa xqa'wax fax Jcioina'^wat just continually from above they 
two look at it 6.9 

17. qats HOWEVER, nevertheless, notwithstanding. 

xqa'wax ha'Jc/witem, la u qats Jcwa a'yu Ldwa'hai qa'xantc from 
above, some one pulled him, however, it seemed as if he surely 
ran upwards (by himself) 92.9, 10 

qats hwiLJcwa'yu, hats lEqa u 'we Ie a' la nevertheless it was cut off 
(and) it just died, the child 76.15, 16 

18. ma but, even if, really. 

ma yu'xwa ma la, yiqa il tsxau'wat even if two persons go, never- 
theless they kill them 90.10 

ma yariLawe ti'mill di l l eHd'hits, yiqa hanzawe la u eHsxau'wat 
even if strong something you will strike, still you will kill it 
124.11, 12 

ma with the negative particle in is rendered by not at all. 

ma In ma Jcwaa'niya, ma wandj L/a'xEm not at all people he 
saw, nevertheless that way he was talking (making believe that 
he saw them) 30.27 

19. na, nayim because. 

e £ alqsita'mi, nayim wandj e £ z/a'xEm, you scare me, because that 

way you are talking 110.15, 16 
na a'yu qa'lyeq ha'ltsat because surely salmon (will) come into the 

river 36.26 

§ 90. Particles Denoting Emotional States 

20. c E expresses slight surprise at a state of affairs that has come into 

existence contrary to one's expectations. 

hu u 'mis c E la a'la a female (was) his child (a boy was expected in 
this case) 108.6 §§ 89-90 



390 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

dd'mil c E a'yu a man (it was) surely 

tslirmlye c E summer it got 30.20 

tso c E Lq! now it was cooked 34.2 

yu c E Le eFhfa'lat too loud you shout (literally, very contrary to my 

expectations you shout [the speaker ordered the whale to shout 
. loud, but he did not expect such a noise; hence the use of c E in 

this sentence]) 36.15 
ha'wl c E Ie wi'nqas u temi'sndtc grown up (has) the Spider's 

grandson (this statement was made by a person who believed 

the boy to have been dead) 64.24, 25 

c^ is combined with the future particle hariL into canL, and with the 
potential ul into cul (see § 9). These new particles express 
expectation that will certainly be fulfilled, and may be trans- 
lated by I HOPE, IT OUGHT. 

e £ lE f yi ca?iL you will be all right (I hope) 124.14 

nl canL teltc xa'ltll (I hope) he won't do anything to me (literally, 
not to me, it ought, what he does) 116.2 

yu cul nh' ! ak'ina' wis yuL niA'mlet I ought to get very tired, if I 
keep on spearing (literally, very much, it ought to be, I with- 
out laziness, if should 1 spear it) 34.17 

Ie'y% cul i la u In JcwiLhwa'yu good it might have been if that one 
not had been cut off 76.16 

la u cul ni'citc is pll'yat (of) that a little we two ought to take 
home 112.3 

c e is frequently prefixed to the demonstrative pronoun tE, forming 
a new particle ctE or eta. This particle often follows the 
interrogative forms of tcitc, dl l 'l, and wit (see pp.. 407, 411), 
giving the interrogation a tinge of surprise, as it were. 

<fwi'tu eta who are you? (literally, you, who is it?) 

dl p lu eta tE nk'iWwit what do I see? (literally, what is it that I 

see?) 106.16, 17 
xtcl'tcu eta tE la u In L/no u 'tat why does it not come open? (liter- 
ally, why is it that that one not comes open?) 76.4 

21. ell indeed. Composed of c E and il. It has retained the signifi- 
cance of both of its component elements. It consequently 
denotes a fact known by actual experience, at the occurrence v 
of which the speaker is surprised, as it came into existence 
contrary to his expectations. 

his cil e e ne ye £ me i la'kuk u la u x'na'at also indeed, thou, O heart of 

salmon! runnest? 36.19, 20 
tso cil xw'dndjl'ye now, indeed, that way it is 8.2 ' 
e £ ne cil you it is, indeed 10.3 
§90 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 391 

This particle occurs frequently with the transitional suffix -lye 
(see § 35). 

hi'nl cill'ye mandj k/wd a nt there, indeed, already he felt it 
32.16, 17 

22. hitc indicates surprise. The native Coos is unable to render it. 

Its meaning was deduced from the sense of the sentences in 
which it occurred. 

he* hats da' mil k'ilo'wit tsxu hitc Ieh heni f k u ndtc suddenly a man 

she saw lying with her elder sister 50.22, 23 
ma hem'tset hitc a person was laid bare 58.22 

§ 91. Particles Denoting the Conditional 

23. uL would, should. It puts the sentence in which it occurs in 

a potential mode. It may either precede or follow the verb to 
which it belongs. 

kat 1 e' 'misen qaliml'ye ul wu'txe ten a'la in five days, if should 

return my child 42.22, 23 
la u ul nk'ilo'unt ali'canl u men (I) should be the one to see them 

play, if— 92.16 
nk'i'LdHs ul I should find it if — 
xtcl'tcuL how would it be if — 5.2 (contracted f rom •xtci'tcu + ul; 

see § 9). 

24. yuL if — should, if — would. It gives the sentence a conditional 

tinge. It occurs usually in the subordinate sentence whenever 
ul has been used in the co-ordinate sentence, although it is fre- 
quently used independently of ul. It always precedes the verb. 

xtcl'tcuL yuL is so x tita'ni how would it be if we two should trade? 

15.6 
yuL kvyina , e i wat la u In ul aiatfwa'yu Ie hi 1 ' me if she had seen it, 

they not would have been killed, the children 58.10, 11 
Ie'y% yuL tynLi'me good (would it be) if I should have a fish-trap 

34.19 

25. yanL if expresses the conditional in the present or future tense. 

It usually precedes the verb, and it is used in subordinate sen- 
tences in apposition to hanL. It also occurs independently of 
hanL. Since the native Coos does not distinguish between the 
conditional present and future tenses, yanL is used to express 
also the present conditional. 

il nl hanL ~kwina'll, yanL nc E a'lctet they will not see me, if I [will] 
work 128.23, 24 

§ 91 



892 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

yanL en dbwa'ya xwandj, yixe 1 ' dlH hanL e £ mitsmitstafmi if you 
don't want it that way, one thing I will teach you 124.7, 8 

. . . yanL yEai' l! to! ate is he'laq when in another country we 
two shall arrive 28.23 

nh'Iint yanLel I guess, I will try, surely (literally, if I shall try, 
surely; yanLel=yanL + il; see § 7) 

§ 92 o Exhortative I* articles 

26. L must, necessarily. It signifies that a certain state of affairs 

or an action must take place. It has therefore the force of an 
emphatic imperative. It is placed either before or after the 
verb (or noun), no matter whether the verb is used in its impera- 
tive form or not. 

Ucila'ais l cin la r Ex close to the shore you (must) go 30.23 
qa'xante l pEl'tE loud you (must) shout (literally, shout upwards) 

30.26 
In l tdtc xa'ltE ten da/mil don't you do anything to my husband 

(literally, not [must], manner, do it, [to] that my husband) 26.15 
cine £ tila'qai l you must stay (here) 
e £ lEqa u wiya' tanl l you (must) tell a story 38.13, 14 
Id l ul Ie'yI this must be good (literally, that thing, necessarily, 

should be good) 40.25 

27. hamlL, m%L 9 %L. The exact function of this particle defies all 

attempts at an explanation. It was usually translated by let 

ME, I SHOULD LIKE TO, BETTER (iT WILL BE, IF), whenever it 

referred to the speaker. When referring to the person spoken 
to or spoken of, it was rendered by better, you may, please, 
a while. 

hamlL nkwina'e^wat I should like to look at him 

m%L dilte 1 ' to' hits better hit this one 124.15 

hamiL e £ ne xle'itc e £ k'/i'ntqEm you may with it try 92.1 

hamlL e £ L/dts please, speak 16.2 

m%L halt! e s ne xle'itc e £ L/dts now you with it speak (a while) 16.5 

II hariL xteltc xa'lalf what (would be) better to do? 86.10 

In examining these sentences one must arrive at the conclusion that 
hamlL (or m%L) is of an exhortative character. By its means the 
speaker either asks permission of the imaginary person spoken 
to, to perform a certain action, or he conveys a polite command 
to the person spoken to. In both cases the granting of the 
desire is a foregone conclusion. 

§92 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 393 

hamiL and mlL are contracted with the periphrastic han into hamlLan 
and miLan, adding to the particle a future significance. 

hamlLan nz/eHc let me go out 28.26 

hamlLan ni'k'in nwilo^wat let me look for wood 102.3 

mlLan e s muxtUsa'mi permit me to feel of you 72. 17 

28. Jcwis let us two. This particle is composed of the particle k u 

perhaps and of the inclusive form of the personal pronoun is 
we two. Its function is that of an imperative for the inclusive. 
The verb, which it always precedes, takes the imperative suffixes. 

hois Lxa'tE let us two chop wood 26.15, 16 

Jcwis tsE'mtitsE tE tahd'lik' let us two loosen that quiver 122.27 

29. kwin let us (all) exercises the function of the imperative for 

the first person plural. The first component is, beyond doubt, 
the particle k u perhaps. The second element can be no other 
than the personal pronoun for the first person plural lin. The 
contraction of k u + lin into kwin may have been effected by the 
analogy of k u + is into lewis. 

kwin Le tsxe'wE let us kill him quickly 68.3 
kwin sqa'tsE let us seize it 

§ 93, JP articles Denoting Emphasis 

30. he*. By its means the Coos emphasizes any part of speech. It 

usually precedes the word to be emphasized. 

he* yu xtca'yux u ma a very insignificant man (literally, emphasis, 

very small man) 42.6 
he* xd %'la Lowi'tat xd fa patc she first ran into the water 56.9 
he* cil kwe*k'l'ye surely, indeed, it was a girl 12.1, 2 

Whenever he* precedes the conjunction hats, it forms a new particle, 
which is rendered by suddenly. 

he* hats ma k'ilo'wit suddenly a person she saw 54.2 

he* hats L/no u 'tat Ie tdi'lE suddenly came open the door 62.5 

31. he*kwatn exceedingly (like the English colloquial awfully). 

This particle consists of the following three independent and 
separable components: he*, kwa, and In. Literally translated, 
the particle means verily, it seems not. Since the phrase is 
used as a sort of an exclamation with an interrogative character, 
it may best be compared to our English exclamation isn't this 
a fine day! which really means this is a fine day. 

§ 93 



394 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

helkwaln Ie'y% u Uuwe'Hcis she was awfully glad (literally, what, 

as if not her heart good?) 64.9, 10 
h&kwain xhvfvns ma a very poor man (literally, what, as if not 

a poor man?) 42.5 
Ae%wa U In dowafya they liked him very much (literally, what, 

as if they not liked him?) 24.29 

32. It E is used in direct discourse only. It always follows the word 

that is to be emphasized. 

n'ne Ue Ie e e dowdy Exta! is qa u 'wa I am (emphatic) the one you 
wanted (last) night 50.25, 26 

e s hu ur mis Ue/ you will (be) a woman (emphatic) 24.20 

te* Ue hwa'xaL Wye e'h u L'dtG this (emphatic) (is) the bow (of) thy 
father 62.24 

qa'lyeq Ue In Ue pEnLd'wai it is salmon, not whale (literally, sal- 
mon [emphasis], not [emphasis] whale) 130.12, 13 

§ 94. Mestrictive Particles 

33. La only. It limits the action to a certain object. It always fol- 

lows the word so limited. 

la u La In tcltc wait (to) that only not anything he did 68.13 
wa'lwal La d'tsEm a knife only give me 80.14, 15 
wandj La ux hwee'nvyem that way only people know them two 
19.10 

34. tsi simply, merely, just. It has a slight restrictive character. 

tsi e £ qa'qal you were merely sleeping 68.19 

yixe'n qaliml'ye tsi %n dVi one morning, it was simply gone (lit- 
erally, once, morning it got, simply, not something) 88. 3 

tsi contracts with the following hanL into tsanL (see § 9). 

tsanL eHa'tcints only then shall you have it 78.15 

§ 95. The Interrogative Particle I 

35. 1. This particle, exercising the function of our sign of interroga- 

tion, is used only in sentences that have no other interrogation. 
It is usually placed at the end of the sentence. 

a'yu eHloxqai'nis % surely (art) thou a doctor? 10.4 
tsix' Ux la % did they two go (by) here? 96.18, 19 
e £ kwina f e ir wat % nen ha! Late have you seen my elder brothers? 
96.18 

When preceded by the particle han, % is rendered by may i ? 

nq/mits han I may I eat it? 
§§ 94-95 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



395 



THE PRONOUN (§§96-100) 
§ 96. The Independent Personal Pronouns 

Coos has two sets of independent personal pronouns, formed from 
two different stems. 

The first of these two sets is formed from the stem -xkan for the 
first and second persons, and -xka for the third person, to which are 
prefixed the personal pronouns (see § 18), giving the following series: 



Singular .... 


[1st person .... 
-J2d person .... 
[3d person .... 


nE'xkan 

e'xkan 

xd'kd 


Dual 


("Inclusive .... 
I Exclusive .... 
1 2d person .... 
13d person .... 


isnE'xkan 
xwinnE'xkan 
ice'xkan 
tixxd'kd 


Plural 


[1st person .... 
J2d person .... 
(3d person .... 


UnnE'xkan 

clne'xkan 

ilxd'kd 



The obscure vowel in nE'xkan is due to the law of consonantic clus- 
ters (see § 4). 

For the dropping of the glottal stop, inherent in the second person 
singular, see § 3. 

The peculiar vowels in the third person singular may be the com- 
bined effect of accent and of the dropping of the final n. 

It will be seen from this table that the singular forms are the basis 
for the corresponding dual and plural forms. Thus, the inclusive is 
formed by combining the inclusive pronoun is with the singular for 
the first person nE'xkan; the second person dual is composed of the 
personal pronoun for the second person dual fo, and the singular for 
the second person e'xkan; etc. 

These pronouns have the force of a whole sentence, and may be 
translated by i (thou, he . . . ) am the one, who 

n^xkan hani, la u nx'intl'yat tE xa a p I will be the one to run 

away with that water 40.20, 21 
Ms JianL e'xkan yixe i 'e e k/wint also thou shalt be the one to shoot 

one (arrow) 13.1 

§96 



396 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



That the dual and plural forms of this set are not felt to be integral 
units, and may easily be separated according to their component ele- 
ments, is best shown by the following example: 

tso hanL QiE'xkan xwin eHHta'mi now will we two tell thee 
126.21, 22 {nrixkan xwin instead of xwin?iE r xkan) 

This use of the singular pronouns in place of the plural has been 
referred to in § 46. 

The second set of independent personal pronouns may be called the 
"verbal set." These pronouns are formed by prefixing the personal 
pronouns #, <? £ , etc., to the stem -ne, which seems to have a verbal sig- 
nificance. The pronouns thus obtained may be translated by it is i, 
it is thou, etc. 

The third persons singular, dual, and plural have no special forms 
in this set; but they are replaced by m, uxxa, Uxa\ forms related to 
xa'ha\ uxxafha\ and ttxa'ka. 

The series follows. 



Singular .... 


fist person .... 
1 2d person .... 
[3d person .... 


n'ne 
e*ne 

xa 


Dual 


flnclusive .... 
I Exclusive .... 
|2d person .... 
(3d person .... 


i'sne 
xwin'ne 
%'cne 
ti'xxa 


Plural .... 


fist person .... 
1 2d person .... 
[3d person .... 


Un'ne 
cin'ne 
ll'xa 



Ms hanL n'ne tci nla I too will go there 94.22 

halt! e £ ne tsix' e s sto u q now it is thy turn to stand here 64.32 

Ms xa c E a'lcteb she too is working 22.26, 27 



The Possessive Pronouns (§§ 97-98) 
§ 97. The Sign of Possession? u 

The idea of possession is expressed in Coos by means of the posses- 
sive particle $, which follows the term expressing the possessor, and 
precedes that indicating the possessed object. The possessor is not 
infrequently preceded by the article. 

§97 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 397 

klwe'he u Wriek* k'%Ld' wi tsa leaves of a willow he found 30.17, 18 

Ke ha't&i! u a'la x'Vntset Hetcit's child got on top 24.23 

ux leml'yat Ie mexd'ye u Jcwd'x u they two set up the eagle's feathers 

8.10 
xwandj u In'nas Tie tsa'yux u la'mk' such (was) the name of the small 

river 46.10, 11 

The possessive sign very frequently takes the place of the possessive 
pronoun for the third persons singular and plural. 

Ie'yI u Uuwe'Hcis he was glad (literally, good his heart) 32.5 
a!ya cku u qa'ya she must have lost her breath (literally, gone must 

be her breath) 58.24, 25 
la u ha u 'we Ie tdcl'rrM the spruce-tree is growing (literally, goes 

its growth, the spruce-tree) 20.16 
la u paa'wES Ie xa a jp the water is filling up (literally, goes its 

fullness, the water) 44.17 
a'wi u Ldwafwas she finished eating (literally, it ended, her food) 

24.13 
Ke e'stis ma aiA'maqa u %x' some people had large canoes (liter- 
ally, some people, large their canoes) 44.20 
yilxwa! u hu u mafh'e he has two wives (literally, two [are] his 

wives) 20.3 
djl u x'na'at Ie nd u sk'%'l1 the Big Woman came quickly (literally, 

comes her quickness, the Big Woman) 78.26 

The possessive sign is employed in impersonal sentences, where the 
subject of the sentence is qa'y%s world or men people. In these 
cases the subject is placed at the end of the sentence, and the posses- 
sive sign is affixed to the possessed object, immediately preceding the 
subject. The sentences are rendered by there was, they are. 

k'!dL. f ta f & qafyis there was no land (literally, without [its] land 
the world) 5.5; 6.1 

In tdle'xEm u qa'yis there was no low tide (literally, not [has] its 
dry condition [the] world) 15.8 

nwa'waLa D, qa'yis there was a spider (literally, with its spider 
[is] the world) 30.3 

qaici'ms kwee'ti u men people were living in a small place (liter- 
ally, in a small place their living [place have] people) 50.7 

tcl ti'k'ine u men there they were standing (literally, there their 
standing [place, severally have] people) 74.28 

§97 



398 BUREAU OE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 98. The Possessive Pronouns Proper 

The possessive pronouns proper are formed by prefixing to the 
personal pronouns #, <? £ , etc. , the article Ie or Tie, or the demonstrative 
pronoun Ie. These forms may be regarded as loose prefixes. 



Singular . . . 


fist person .... 
J2d person .... 
[3d person .... 


hen 
Wye 
ha 


len 
ll'ya 
la, la 


ten 

Wye 

ta(?) 


Dual .... 


finclusive .... 
J Exclusive .... 
[2d person .... 
(3d person .... 


he'is 
he'xwin 
he'tc 
he'ttx 


Wis 
le'xwin 
le'ic 
le'tix 


te'is 

te'xwin 

te'ic 

te'ux 


Plural .... 


fist person .... 
< 2d person .... 
(3d person .... 


he'lin 
he'cin 
he'il 


le'lin 
le'cin 
le'il 


te'lin 
te'cin 
te'il 



The second person singular ll'ye has resulted from the combination 
lE+e e . This phonetic irregularity remains unexplained. The forms 
ll'ya and la occur before nouns having a- vowels (see § 7). 

a'yu till' ye hen Jcw a a'tis surely, true came my dream 100.14 

la u hwina'e l wat 1%'ye iluwe'Hcis that one is looking into thy heart 

14.8 
plants ll'ya hxla bend thy foot 120.13 
han ye'es la u z/k'its into his mouth she poured it 102.12 
la u hanL he'is kala'lis these shall be our two subjects 124.6 
halt/yu nd a nt he'lin c E alctd'was too great (is) our work 68.27 
Lowa'hats he'il e s natc living is their mother 84.21 
la l! aha! was her clothes 110.3 
Ldwa'kats la a' la his child remained 110.10 
xa'nis le'xwin e'k u Latc sick is our (dual) father 126.18, 19 
ic la'tsit le'ic e'k u Ldtc you two go and get your (dual) father 20.13 
ux hwiskwl'wat le'ux e'k u Latc they two were informing their (dual) 

father 20.25 
l E yuwi'ltE le'cin so'wel! wiggle your fingers! 122.8 
ntsxau'wat hanL ten mi'nkatc I will kill that my son-in-law 26. 22 
tl'yex e'h u Latc hanL la u h'i'LdHs tl'ye ix' thy father will find thy 

canoe 54.11 

A peculiar form of the possessive pronoun for the first person singu- 
lar is the frequently occurring ne&. This form may be explained as a 
reduplicated stem, in which the first n is, so to speak, the article for 
the first person singular, formed in analogy to Ie or hE. 

nenpkd'katc hanL nh'ilo'wU my grandfather I shall see 
aiat £ wd'yu nen hi 1 ' me killed were (all) my children 62.18 
§98 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



399 



The personal pronouns without prefixes are often employed as pos- 
sessive pronouns. In such cases the second person singular e £ occurs 
as ye e . 

I' ten nda'mtt? which one (is) my husband? 80.3 

d'ya nqd'ya I am out of breath (literally, dead my breath) 66.27 

na a nt hanL ye e Ldwa'was you will have much to eat (literally, much 

will [be] your food) 54.6 
"kid hanL ye £ n k/wints nla'ats a rope around thy neck I'll put 94.12 

In two instances the possessive pronoun of the third person singular 
is amplified by the addition of the possessive sign. 

Ie'y% ha u Uuwe'Hchs he is good-natured (literally, good [is] his 

heart) 
dzu'll la u hwl'yos a fur-seal (as) his dog 132.2 

A possessive pronoun expressing absence is formed by prefixing to 
the personal pronouns the prefix h' Id-. The form for the first person 
singular only could be obtained in this series. 

nl Icwishwi'll tEx k'ldn u'md not me informed that my (absent) 
grandmother 62.12 

Besides these pronouns, there is another series of independent pos- 
sessive pronouns. They are formed by prefixing to the verbal form 
of the personal pronouns rp'ne, e £ ne, etc., the article hE or Ie, or the 
demonstrative tE, and by suffixing the possessive sign u. 



Singular . . . 


fist person .... 
•J2d person .... 
[3d person .... 


hen'neu 
y&neu' 
hexau' 


Dual .... 


(Inclusive .... 
j Exclusive .... 
|2d person .... 
l3d person .... 


hetsneu' 
hexwln'neu 
heicneu' 
heiJLXxdu' 


Plural .... 


fist person .... 
1 2d person .... 
[3d person .... 


helin'neu 
hecin'nev- 
hellx&u' 



The second person singular shows a phonetic irregularity which I 
am at a loss to explain. 

These pronouns are independent, and have a verbal significance. 
They may be rendered by it is mine, it is thine, etc. 

* 98 



400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

hen'ne^lo tE qifma my property is that camas 112.6,7 

e e hen'ne u %'le you (are) my enemy 118.3 

ye s ne u pVi L/a'riex thy cradle is new 38.17 

hexa u ' Id hen it is his property (it is said) 116.21, 22 

§ 99. The Reflexive Pronouns 

The reflexive pronouns are formed by prefixing the possessive pro- 
nouns to the stem tet body. The possessive pronominal prefixes for 
the first and second persons singular are n- and ye e - respectively. 
The third person singular has no pronominal prefix. The rest is 
regular. 



Singular . . . 


[1st person .... 
1 2d person .... 
[3d person .... 


ntet 

ye s tet 

tet 


Dual .... 


[Inclusive .... 
I Exclusive .... 
j2d person .... 
1.3d person .... 


he'istet 
he'xwtntet 
he'ictet 
he'tixtet 


Plural .... 


[1st person ..... 
< 2d person .... 
1.3d person .... 


lis 



ntd'hUs ntet I hit myself 

lo u ' x tit yeHet watch thyself 74.3 

wdndj pi' f ctc%ts tet thus he warmed himself 32.8 

fax Llx'i'nx'U he r Hxtet they two examine themselves 84.3 

U yu'xtits he'Utet they rubbed themselves 52.13 

The particle %'nlEX alone is not infrequently placed before the verb 
(see § 108), and emphasizes the subject. 
xi'niEx nto'Mts ntet alone I hit myself 

§ 100. The Demonstrative Pronouns 

The demonstrative pronouns exhibit a variety of forms. Attempts 
have been made to discover whether the different forms may not 
indicate position from the standpoint of the speaker ; but they have 
proved unsuccessful, owing to the fact that this idea does not seem to 
be clearly developed in Coos. Only the first two pronouns seem to 
accentuate this distinction. The following demonstrative stems have 
been found. 

§§ 99-100 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 401 

te l denotes an object that is near to the speaker, and may be translated 
by this here. It always precedes the object to which it refers. 

te l hariL to'lnts this here he shall hit 20.14 
te* e £ pa a ts this here you fill up 78.12 

It is frequently employed as an adverb in the sense of here. 

te* ny%xu'me here I travel 26.9 

nte* hai? I (am) here, O elder brother ! 72.26. 

tE indicates an object that is away from the speaker, and may be 
rendered by that there. It usually precedes the object. 

tkw%Ll if wat tE to'qmas he is following that (there) woodpecker 22.2 
iix k'ilo'wit tE hlta they two saw that (there) land 6.5 
dlHtciftc tE riLlaqa'ehoat with what (shall) I point my finger (at) 
this one (there?) 40.24 

tE often exercises the function assigned in English to the conjunc- 
tion THAT. 

xtd'tcu tE go u s mi'latc e £ y%xu r me why (is it) that always you 

travel? 48.14 
xtci'tcu tE wandj eHHta'is why (is it) that thus you tell it to me? 

(For tE as a prefix in possessive pronouns, see § 98. See also under 
la u below, and lew% p. 402.) 

dilte 1 '. A compound pronoun composed of the indefinite particle dlH 
something (see p. 407) and the demonstrative tl l this here. It 
may be translated by this here. 

dUte*' 7c u ll'yex this stone here 124.16, 17 
dllte'. A compound of dlH something (see p. 407) and tE that there. 
It is usually translated by that there. 

d%lte f ts hHl'yex that stone yonder 
dilte-' ma the person yonder 

la u , ha u . This pronoun has the force of a whole sentence. It 
applies to both subject and object, and it is used in singular and 
in plural alike. It invariably precedes the subject or object 
to which it refers. It may be translated by he, that is the 
one ; he it is. 

yixe'n qalimi'ye la u lHHg hal to'miL one morning that one went 
out, (namely) that old man 20.4. 

xqantc la u si' x 't E tsa la u tci la from where he (was the one to) 
scent it, there he (was the one to) go 22.24 

la u la xuA'lux u ba'nxHat that (was the one) his head became bald 
30.14 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 26 S 100 



402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

la u tEma'Le ma la u tc/icUa'etwat he it is the old people (it is they 

who) sit (on) that, usually 38.3 
la u m la u %'lxats he did not look at it (literally, he was the one, 

not, it was the thing, he looked at it) 40.8 
la u hariL fix c E a'lctet it is they two (who) shall work 68.26 
Tc'ida'mknatc ha u x'l/U into the bowl she put it 102.6, 7 

la u and ha u are frequently emphasized by the prefixed article or by 
the demonstrative pronoun tE. 

Ie la'mak', lala u tE hildjl'yEx the bones, those are the Umpqua 

Indians 50.5, 6 
lala u he Ldwet'wat that's what she usually eats 24.5, 6 
tEla u 7iha ux ts tE L/ta I am the one who made that land 10.3, 4 

In composite sentences having one and the same subject, la u and ha n 
are used in the subordinate sentence to avoid the repetition of 
the subject. 

kwina'was sl' x 't E tsa {Ie (Midi) % la u Mini sto u q smoke scented (the 

young man) as he stood there 22.23, 24 
xa'nana'ya la a' la % la u lEqa u 'wE his child made him feel sorry, 

when it died 42.18, 19 

lewi, a demonstrative pronoun with verbal force. It is invariably 
followed by the article or by the demonstrative pronoun tE/ and 
it is sometimes, for the sake of emphasis, preceded by la w . It 
may be translated by it is, that is. 

lewi Ie enl'k'exEm that is it, sticking out 46.11 

he 1 cil lewl'ye Ie tdi'lE surely, indeed, it was a door 72.25 

IM 9 half a demonstrative pronoun used for subject and object, singu- 
lar and plural. It precedes the subject or object. It denotes 
objects that have been previously mentioned. It is composed 
of the article Ie, hE, and of the abbreviated form of the particle 
dlH something (see p. 407). 

qa'notc sto u q lot td'm%L outside stood that old man 20.4, 5 

wandj L/ats lot hu u// mik' thus spoke that old woman 102.10 

aso' sqats hat hu u 'mik' Iex swal again seized that old woman 

the grizzly bear 102.21, 22 
Hbx nEqafqa hat tEma'Le they two ran away, those old people 

24.12, 13 

hot and lot have a nominalizing function, and often take the place 
of our relative pronouns. 

hats kwa la u u'yu wina'qaxEm lot Ldwel'wat just like a rainbow 
was spread out (that thing) which he was eating 32.14 
§100 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 403 

tcl'tcu tE la u xtd u s Ml e £ L/aha'e i wat why (is it) that that thing stiff 
• (is) which you have on 110.4, 5 

Id has a nominal force, and denotes that kind, such a thing. It 
always precedes the object. 

a'yu Id Jc'VloHs Tie pa'xwiya surely, that kind he found, the man- 

zanita berries 32.10, 11 
tso afyu Id ha ux ts now surely, that thing she made 60.16 

When preceded by a possessive pronoun, Id expresses the idea of 
property. 

hen'ne u Id tE qE'ma that camas belongs to me 112.6, 7 
Lo has a local meaning, and may be translated by in it, on it. It 
always follows the object to which it refers. 

p w s%k' aftsEm lo nVcitc xd a p ha^wE a cup give me, in it a little 

water have 68.17, 18 
tseti'x'ume lo he u 'he u JioFwe! on this side make a knot (literally, 

where this side is, on it a knot make) 92.7, 8 

k'fdn my absent. The prefix of this possessive pronoun may be 
regarded as a demonstrative pronoun (see pp. 323, 399). 

THE NUMERAL (§§ 101-102) 
§ 101. The Cardinals 

1. yixe if 20. yuxwa'ka 

2. yuxwaf 30. yipsE'nka 

3. yi'psEn 40. hecL^hka 

4. he'ciSL 50. katfE'misJca 

5. JcafE 'mis 60. yixel'wieqka 

6. y%xe if vneq 70. yuxwaJwieqka 

7. yuxwaf roieq 80. yixe* 'ahalka 

8. y%xe ir ahal 90. yuxwaf ahalka 

9. yuxwaf ahal 100. yixe ir ni'k'in 

10. Lepfqa'nl 111. yixe if ni'k'in L&pfqa'nl 

11. Lep/qa'ni yix&u'qtsi yixeJu'qtsi 

12. Lepfqa'nl yuxwau'qtsl 

The Coos numeral system is of a quinary origin, and, strictly 
speaking, there are only five simple numeral stems; namely, those for 
the first five numerals. The numerals for six, seven, eight, and nine 
are compounds, the second elements of which can not be explained. 
In the same manner the numeral for ten defies all attempts at analysis. 

Besides the cardinals, Coos exhibits special forms for the ordinal, 
multiplicative, and distributive numerals, formed by means of adding 
certain numeral suffixes to the cardinal numerals (see §§ 74-77). 

§ 101 



404 BUREAU QF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The collective numerals expressed in English by the phrases in 
twos, in threes, etc., are formed in Coos by means of suffixing to 
the numerals for two, three, etc., the adverbial suffix -e*'fc(see § 67). 

yuxwafheHc la u hithitowe 1 ' wat in pairs he is putting them down 

34.7, 8 
xyipsE'rieHc in threes 

The collective numeral for one, yixe'ntce, shows a peculiar forma- 
tion. It consists of the cardinal y%xe}', the distributive suffix -n (see 
pp. 327, 341), the modal suffix -to (see pp. 327, 340, 369), and the suffix -e 
(see p. 359). 

yixe'ntce sqats together he seized them 64.8, 9 

yixe'ntce U ul Italy as together they (live) in (one) village 122.18. 

§ 102. The Decimal System 

The units exceeding multiples of ten have forms exemplified by ten 
(twenty) one over. Thus Leplqa'nl yixetu'qtsl eleven literally 
means ten one over, etc. The "tens" are formed by means of 
suffixing to the numerals from one to ten (exclusive) the suffix -ha. 
The numeral for one hundred, translated literally, means one 
stick, which indicates that the Coos may have used counting-sticks 
for the purpose of counting up to one hundred. Two hundred 
would mean two sticks, etc. The numeral one thousand does not 
seem to have been used at all. There is no special stem for it. 
The natives to-day form this numeral by adding the noun ni'k'm 
stick to the numeral stem for ten, expressing one thousand by the 
phrase ten sticks. 

THE ADVERB (§§ 103-106) 

§ 103. Introductory 

The dividing-line between adverbs and particles can not always 
be drawn very definitely. This is especially true in the case of the 
three particles expressing locality, time, and modality (see § 112). 
Adverbs express local, temporal, and modal ideas. A few of them 
may be said to express local phrases. In a number of cases two 
adverbs have been combined for the purpose of indicating a new 
adverbial concept, which is nothing more than an amplification of 
the ideas conduced by each of the two separate component elements. 
Some of the local adverbs seem to distinguish slightly between the 
idea of locality that is near the first, second, or third person; although 

§§ 102-103 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



405 



I am somewhat doubtful on that point, owing to the fact that this 
idea is hardly recognizable in the demonstrative pronouns. 

The great majority of modal adverbs occur with the adverbial suffix 
of modality -tc (see §§ 25, 36), and are often preceded by the modal 
prefix x- (see § 24). It is conceivable that this suffix may have been 
originally adverbial par excellence, and that it gradually became con- 
fined to adverbs expressing mode and manner. This opinion may be 
substantiated by the fact that the adverbial suffix -tc, when added to 
nouns, expresses other adverbial ideas besides those of modality. It 
is also suffixed to a number of stems expressing local phrases. 

The following is a complete list of adverbs that have been found in 

Coos: 

§ 104. Local Adverbs and Phrases 

os%'l between, halfway 5.1 qa'wax high up 8.11 

e'qatce to one side 42.3 qai'nas close to the fire 82.19 

I' la before, ahead, in front qai'nis away from the shore 36.18 



56.9 
yVhelq close by 60.21 
ytqaffe* close there (?) 90.23 
yiqa'ltsix' close here 104.12 
yiqai'ni so far, right here 14.4 
hi'ni there 5.2 
W over there 90.21 
tdx' here 24.4 
t&'x'ti over here 13.5 
tse'tix' over here 
tci there 7.4 

tele' etc back in the woods 88.11 
qaya'Hc, qa'titc down the 

stream 24.24; 54.1 



qaits inside the house 140.24 

gat below 36.11 

qapu'kul the other side, across 

140.18 
qa'xan up 34.4 
qal down, below, under 116.9 
xtse'tix' from here 136.3 
xqa'wax from above 6.4 
xqa'lm from under 90.4 
xle't%x\ le'tix' from there 12.2; 

78.28 
Itcila'ais close to the shore 30.23 
z/ha'wais near, close to 50.20 



aso again 6.1 

ai'wa still, yet 7.6 

yuwe whenever (yu+he [see 

§ 9]) 24.4 
yuvA'nt before 178.25 
hats E yu always (hats + yu [see 

§ HO]) 
halt! now 15.6 
mandj already (used for the 

purpose of expressing the 

past tense) 20.1 



§ 105. Temporal Adverbs 

tifma at the same time 17.3 

ti' x 'tse to-day 19.9 

hwl'yal now 9.1 

l E ai'wa while (lE + aiwa; the arti- 
cle is prefixed here for the 
sake of emphasis) 



104-105 



406 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



§ 106. Modal Adverbs 



a'yu sure, enough 16.2 
yu very, very much 11.5 
halt/yu (halt/ + yu) too 

44.18. 
wiindj, xwdndj thus, that way 

68.16; 6.8 
pE'lukwltc entirely 130. 7 
ta u , ta so, such 52.16 
na a nt much, many 44.18 
m'&tc a few, a little 68.17 
tso'no both ways 6.2 
tsqe'yixetc edgeways 
g'i, g'l'Tcwa a little 36.6; 

28.10 
M a s almost 20.19 



xwe'lixetc in a stooping position 
■ 118.15 
xplye'etc homewards 42.7 
txafnuxwitc sideways 38.10 
xtema'atc crossways 64.28 
xrio'we right 44.9 
xd'yHcltc clear around it 128.18 
xqe'Htc slowly 60.7 
xhdqatc belly up and mouth open 

102.11 
xLeye'entc truly 148.1 
XLdwe'entc wholly 44.17 
lai'sama quickly, hurriedly 30.1 
I'nuwl very, very much 15.6 
L E pe'xetc belly side down 58.14 
Ldwe'entc entirely 30.11. 



#", yux, yuxti'k'i hardly 28.17 

A number of purely local adverbs occur with the modal suffix, 
implying the modal character of a local idea. 

qa'xa?itc upwards (literally, in the manner of up) 14.1 

qa'notc outside 20.4 

qettc downwards 6.4 

yi'qantc backwards 

luxate inside 62.8 

e'lientc far off (compare efhe he was gone 108.9) 26.23 

qa'tUc down stream 54.1 

tEqai'tc up stream 160.15 

The temporal phrase xteml' towetc from that time on 42.12 may also 
belong here, although the original stem is no longer recognizable. 

Whenever these modalized local adverbs are used in connection with 
verbs expressing motion or active ideas, they take the verbal suffix -e 
(see § 55). 



e'hento sto u q far off he stood 

26.23 
qa'ridtc lin tsxu outside we lay 

50.10 
qettc ux Ux down they two 

looked 14.2 
§106 



%n e £ ehe'ntce yixu'me not you far 

away go 112.24 
qano'tcail lIIHg outside they went 

50.11 
qe'ltce tsi'x'tl he'laq down right 

here it came 13.5 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 407 

PARTICLES (§§ 107-112) 
§ 107. Introductory 

No formal distinction can be made between the stems that were 
termed u syntactic particles" (see §§ 86-95), and the words treated 
in the following chapters. Both exhibit practically the same phonetic 
structure. There is, however, a vast difference between these two 
sets of words, which asserts itself in the grammatical use to which 
they are applied, and in the morphological treatment that is accorded 
to them. None of the syntactic particles can be clearly and definitely 
rendered when used independently ; or, in other words, the syntactic 
particles are capable of expressing concepts only in a complex of 
words. On the other hand, all particles proper express definite ideas, 
regardless of whether they are used independently or not. However, 
the most important point of distinction between syntactic particles and 
particles proper lies in t]ie fact that the latter are capable of word 
composition. Hence all grammatical processes may be applied to 
them; and, as a matter of fact, the majority of them occur with a 
number of nominal and verbal suffixes. 

§ 108. Pronominal Particles 

By means of these particles Coos expresses the ideas conveyed by 
our indefinite, interrogative, and relative pronouns. The following 
particles are employed for this purpose: 

wit somebody is applied to persons only. It often exercises the 
function of a relative pronoun, and is then translated by who. 
In xwit la u h'itl'wita nobody that one can overtake 92.21, 22 
Jcwaa'niya wit lal hu u 'miJc* she knew who it was that old woman 
102.20 
dVl something is applied to objects other than persons. It always 
follows the object to which it belongs. 

he'Wiis dVi nlc'ilo'wit big something I saw 62.21 

gb u s dlH hanL hd'wl everything will grow (literally, all something 

will grow) 9.3 
yu'xwa dlH nlc'ilo'wit two things I saw 112.26, 27 
ntda'ha dlH td he'laq animals arrived there (literally, something 

[that is] with legs [walkers] arrived there) 46.1, 2 
nz/pe'ne dlH tci he'laq birds arrived there (literally, something 

[that is] with wings arrived there) 46.2, 3 

U 107-108 



408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

dVi is very often abbreviated to I. 
TclwenVyaH nwild u 'wat for some food I am looking 

(See also under lal, hal, p. 402.) 

By suffixing the interrogative suffix -u (see § 73) to dl l l and w%t, 
two interrogative pronouns are obtained that may be rendered 
by what and who respectively (see also p. 390). 

dtf'lu he tE e e wilo u 'ivat what are you continually looking for? 54.3 
xwVtu tsVx'tl'yat who did it? 

tvictce' takes the place of our interrogative pronoun. It always 
stands at the beginning of the sentence, and may be rendered 

by WHICH ONE. 

wwtce' e £ dowa'ya which one do you want? 50.16 

ttc which occurs very rarely. It may be said to exercise the func- 
tion of our relative pronoun. 

Uc yu he'rn/is whichever is the biggest (literally, which [is] very 

big) 30.21 
Uc he nqle'Htse whichever had a handkerchief 70.19 

i'ntEx alone. This particle exercises the function of the reflexive 
pronoun in intransitive sentences. It is usually placed at the 
beginning of the sentence, and precedes the verb. It is then 
rendered by myself, thyself, etc. (see also p. 400). 

xVnlEx la u L E an alone they went down into the water 36.18 
VnlEx nc E a'lctet alone I work, I myself work 
iniEos Ldwa'kats alone he lived 106.24 

This particle occurs sometimes as inlExa'ma or iniExa'na. These 
forms frequently precede verbs having reciprocal suffixes. 

inlExa'na la u hu u misisa' n% they marry one another 12.5 
mlExa'ma &x ya'lanl they two speak to each other 
inlExa'na tin to u s%sa r nl we are hitting one another 

When used in connection with possessive pronouns, %'n%Ex assumes 
the function of a reflexive possessive pronoun, and may be 
rendered by my (thy) own. 

xi'nlEx nha ux ts nyixa'wEX I build my own house 
xVnlExa'ma nha ux ts nyixa'wEx I build my own house 
§ 108 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 409 

§ 109. Numeral Particles 

I'k'l both, go u s all, JiE'wia all, denk* each, EVERY, and yEai' 
another, may be called numeral particles. Tie' ma is used to 
indicate plurality of the object, and immediately follows the 
verb, while go u s precedes the verb and usually denotes plurality 
of the subject (see § 18). 

go u s wand) U Lta'xEm they all that way talk 50.9, 10 

xgo u s ma la u kwaalnlyaha'ya all people came to know it 102.29 

nh'UVwita Tie' ma 1 overtook them all 

alqsa'ya JiE'ma he is afraid of them all 

denh' JelmfUs every night 82.9 

halt! yEai' x'ne' x 't%ts qa'xantc now another one jumped upwards 

76.3, 4 
halt! yEai' ma Lowiftat now another man runs 78.28 

I'k'i expresses the idea of duality in both subject and object of the 
sentence. 

i'k'i to' hits he hit both of them 114.4 
e'qe l'~k'l dead (are) both 120.5 
Ik'l ux to! a' at both walked 120.19 

§ 110. Conjunctions 

Coos has a number of stems that must be classed as conjunctions. 
The following may be regarded as such: 

his also hats just 

ta and tso now, then 

i when, as, since, while 

his and ta serve as copulas between nouns and sentences. 

Ms xa c E a'lctet also she is working 22.26, 27 

kwaa' nlyaha! ya lax ha! Late his lax efnatc Ms lax e'k n L'dtc (they) 

came to know it, her elder brother, also her mother, also her 

father 86.22, 23 
sqats ta tdwale'tc L/xant he caught and into the fire he threw him 

104.15 

% connects subordinate clauses with the principal clause. 

a'ya H Uuwe'H&s % la u lk!wa'k u Ie xa a p he was tired (waiting), 

while it was running down, the water 17.3, 4 
laqtsd u 'wat % djl he waited, as he came 118.9, 10 
% la u sqats la u xdM'ye la u Id when one seizes it, it belongs to him 

(literally, when that one seizes it, that one becomes he [to 

whom] that thing belongs) 92.22 

§§ 109-110 



410 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

hats serves to introduce a new idea. It was conventionally rendered 
by just, although it hardly conveys the idea expressed by our 
English word. 

Lqafat % tdwa'letc kwi'nait. Hats Jcwa rniHa Ie wa'wa i la u xai'la 
he opened his mouth, as into the fire he looked. Just like a 
liver the little girl as she became warm 108.24, 25 

a'yu Vnuwi tclUl'yat Ae tc/wal. Hats yi'qax qa'qal Ie swat surely, 
she built a big fire. Just right away fell asleep the bear 
100.27, 28 

hats . . . hats is usually rendered by as soon as. Hats prefixed 
to the adverb yu very forms a new adverb, hats E yu, which was 
invariably rendered by always (see § 105). 

tso indicates a syntactic division with a continuation of the same 
thought. It was translated by now. 

"haml'Lan ni'k'in i^wild u 'wat^ wandj LfafxEm Ie hu u 'm%k\ Tso 
afyu tsa'yux u ml'lc'e sqats " (please) for wood I will look," thus 
said the old woman. Now, surely, a small basket she took 102.3, 

4,8 

mitsisi'ya lal hu uf mik' Iex swal, tso aso f sqats hal hu u 'm%h' Iex swal 
knew that old woman the bear, now again he seized that old 
woman, the bear 102.21, 22 

tso eHHtafmi tso hariL e £ Ux when I tell you, then you shall look 
(literally, now I tell it to you, now shall you look) 17.2, 3 

§ 111. Interjections 

a'nta look, behold! It is always placed at the beginning of the 
sentence. 

Wnta te 1 Wye mi'laq look! here (are) your arrows! 22.28 
a'nta h'Uo'witE behold, see it! 94.25 

ta'% the greeting formula of the Coos. It was rendered by halloo. 

toll sla' halloo, cousin! 44.3 

tall uex a'la halloo, my child! 28.21 

§ 112. Miscellaneous Particles 
In not, a particle of negation. The particle of affirmation is En. This 
is, however, rarely used, being supplanted by the syntactic par- 
ticle U surely (see p. 388). 

m M'loHs he did not find it 22.18, 19 

ux In kwaa'nlya they two did not know it 22.9, 10 

(See also § 9.) 
§§ 111-112 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 411 

qantc place, where. 

qantc IeIcl u lad' yam, la u his xa tcl la wherever they went, he also 

there went 22.17, 18 
nkwad'nlya qantc I know where (it is) 80.14 
go u s qantc everywhere 46.22 
m qantc Jc'VloHs nowhere he found it 

mt'latc time. It is used mostly in connection with the numerical 
particle go u s, and is then rendered by always. 

gb u s mi'latc L/afxEm always he is talking 14.5, 6 
mVlatcu hanL e £ wu'txe when will you return? (literally, time, 
question, shall, you come back) 28.3, 4 

tCltC MANNER, BIND, WAY, MODE (see also p. 390). 

go u s tcltc U ali'canl all kinds of (games) they are playing 30.25 
tcltc he Ldwet'wat whatever he is eating (habitually) 
il In tcltc tsxau'wat they can not kill her (literally, they [have] 
no way [to] kill her) 80.24 

a'watu whether or not. This particle is very rarely used. 

a'watu ndjl I may or may not come 

a'watu In tsi'x'ti Jie'laq (they) may or may not come here 90.15 

§ 113. The Stem ttse'ts 

Morphologically speaking, it is a verbal stem its-, transitivized by 
means of the suffix -ts, but its application covers .such a wide range 
of different ideas that each of them will have to be enumerated 
separately. 

(1) It is used as an expletive particle with a significance that adapts 
itself to the sense of the sentence. 

In kwee'nlyem Itse'ts Jie'il nd a 'ntEs no one knew how many they 
were (literally, they [indefinite] not know it, what [was] their 
number) 78.2 

yvai' Lftd'ltc nltse'ts in another country I stay 26.8, 9 

xtcl'tcu Itse'ts hE nd u sk'i'li what is the matter with the Big Woman 
72.28 

Itse'ts yi'k u U la u henl'yeEs hinl' Ldwa'Jcats he may have been sit- 
ting there for a long time 40.14 

Jcwaa'niya xtcitc hanL Ie Itslm he knew what was going to happen 
(the -em in Itslm is the indefinite subject suffix [§ 30]) 26.19, 20 

Hx In kwaa/nlya qantc ha u itsem they two did not know where he 
was 22.9, 10 

In hanh tcltc Itslm to you nothing will liappen 66.5 

§113 



412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNQLOGY [bull. 40 

(2) When the transitive suffixes, other than -ts, are added to it, its 
significance is clearly verbal. 

yi'kwani, osteite nltsitsl'wat I wonder what I shall do with it 86.8 
yi'kwa?iL xteltc xwin eHtsitsa'mi I wonder what we two shall do 

with you, how we two shall keep you 24.3, 4 
xtel'tcu e%tsito u 'wat VI' ye wix'l'lis how did you get that your 

food? 64.17, 18 
In kwee'nlyem xtcltc U I'tsetu no one knew what became of them 

52.1, 2 

§ 114. Verbs as Adjectives 

The use of verbs as adjectives is confined to a few sporadic instances. 
These verbs are, as a rule, intransitive, although they occur with the 
transitive suffix -£. (See also § 117.) 

Ikivi'llt ha u yixu'me she travels blazing (red-hot) (Ikwil- to burn) 

24.18, 19 
Ikwi'llt tsaxa'lisEte la u Io'qHUs by means of red-hot pebbles she 

boiled it 102.6 

Whether the phrases pad'hlt Ie yixd'wEx the house is full, 
g'img'i'mlt it is raining, belong here, is a problem which is hard 
to decide, although the psychological relation between these examples 
and those quoted above is not inconceivable. 

§ 115. Nouns as Qualifiers 

Substantives are often used to qualify other nouns. In such cases 
the qualifying noun always precedes the qualified substantive, and 
both nouns retain their nominal character. 

dl'ldL of la a young boy (literally, a young male child) 60.2 
hu u 'mik" ma Ldwa'kats there lived an old woman (literally, an old 

female being) 100.20, 21 
td'mfbL da'mil tsxu an old man lay (literally, an old male man) 

50.21 
tsaya'ne ti'mill le'ux hi 1 ' me their (dual) little children were boys 

(literally, little male children) 42.16 

§ 116. Vocabulary 

All Coos stems are either monosyllabic or polysyllabic (mostly 
bisyllabic). Monosyllabic stems consist of a vowel followed by one 
or two consonants, of one or two consonants followed by a vowel, or 
of consonants, vowel, and consonants. Some of the bisyllabic stems 
that are found in the language have been expanded by means of 
grammatical processes (see §§4, 84). 

n H4-H6 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



413 



Examples of monosyllabic stems: 

ai w - to kill (many) 58.8 
a w - to quit 14.4 
elk'- to be among 46.13 
Ux- to look 14.2 
%H- to tell 7.8 
tin- to set up 34.23 
ha 1 - to gamble 38.23 
hu- to be ready 19.3 
pa a - to fill 15.7 
sqa- to seize 10.4 
Lqa- to believe 28.13 
tsxa u - to kill (one) 14.7 
ysq- to run away 36.19 
yoq- to split in two 7.3 
win- to wade 58.2 

Examples of polysyllabic stems: 

e'he to be gone 38.15 
yi'xux u - to have, to carry 54.12 
wu'txe to come back 28.4 
ha'hH- to leave 30.8 
sitsi l n- to go and see 9.7 
k'i'lo u - to see 6.5 



hah- to crawl 32.10 
ha u p- to tear off 58.14 
pin- to shake 58.24 
mil- to swim 24.27 
teFt- to enter 22.29 
toil- to be ashamed 
~k!al- to shout 24.22 
winq- to weave, to pile 18.1 
mintc- to ask 62.15 
tmnx'- to fasten 46.7 
k'imst- to pick 17.1 
tkwiL- to follow 9.9 
tqanL- to strike 28.1 
tqcfiL- to put a belt on 28.22 



kwi' 



na- 



to look 6.4 



aJca'nak' to stick out 42.1 
liisil- to recognize 30.28 
yixu'me to travel 10.3 
ti'k'ine to stand 62.22 



With the exception of the terms of relationship, the nouns indicat- 
ing parts of the body, and all other words of a denominative character, 
the Coos stems are neutral and receive their nominal or verbal 
character through the suffixes. 



sto u q- to stand 20.4 
Lid- to speak 9.3 
z/ha- to put on 28.22 
lo'wak u lightning 18. 5 



stowa'qwis wall 90.18 
Lfe'yis language 14. 5 
l /aha' 'was clothes 110.3 
lo'kwit it lightens 18. 8 



In a few instances nouns have been formed by reduplication or 
duplication of a neutral stem. 



tqaiL- to put around 28.22 

tco u - to jump 

Lxat- to chop wood 26.16 

pux u - to spout 

W-p- to paint 

x'in- to be on top 

yim- to twinkle 



qa' tqaiL belt 28. 22 
tco'xtcox rabbit 60. 23 
xa'Lxat ax 

pv. u 'xpux u a spout 30. 25 
li'plip paint 
x'i'nx'in saddle 
yi'myim eyelash 



§ 116 



414 BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [buli,. 40 

§ 117. Structure of Sentences 

The structure of the Coos sentence is very simple, owing chiefly to 
the fact that in the absence of incorporation, subjects, objects, and 
predicates are expressed by means of independent words. No strict 
rules can be laid down for the consecutive order in which the differ- 
ent parts of a sentence occur. It may, however, be said in a most 
general way, that all adverbial ideas precede the verb, and that the 
subject of the sentence tends to appear at the very end, especially in 
subordinate clauses. The object may either precede the verb or 
follow it. 

Tcw%k f LlHc tsxu lot to'rrtiL in the sweat-house was resting that old 

man 28.11, 12 
yixd'wExetc la Ie hu u 'mis into the house went the woman 
Iex tstyna 'TiEtc z/ats Ie md'qaL with the thunder-language spoke 

the crow 
xwandj u In'nas Ke tsd'yux u la'nilc' this is the name (of) the small 

river 46.10, 11 
sqats Ie hu u 'mis Iex swal seized the woman the grizzly bear 

102.21, 22 
ma xwin wutxal'yat a person we two brought home 128.8, 9 
tytd'hits Ie di'lol I hit the young man 

Nominal attribute complements precede the noun. When following 
the noun, they assume a predicative function. 

tsd'yux u la'nik' a small river la'nik' tsa'yux u the river is small 
he' mis yixd'wEX the big house yixd'wEX he' mis the house is big 
xa'nis ma a sick person ma xa'nis the person is sick 

No formal distinction is made between coordinate and subordinate 
clauses, nor is the succession of the parts of speech changed in dif- 
ferent types of sentences. Subordinate clauses may precede the 
principal clauses whenever the occasion requires it. Subordinate 
clauses are distinguished by means of conjunctions that are placed 
at the beginning. 

Jc'i f Ld u ts Ie qE'md Iex di'lol % la u hi'nl he'laq the young man found 

the kamass when he arrived there 
i la u tsxu Ie hu u 'mis k'ilo'wit Ie yu'ml as the woman lay (there) 

she saw the stars 
§ 117 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 415 

§ 118. Idiomatic Expressions 

An exhaustive discussion of the Coos idiomatic expressions is lim- 
ited a priori by the scope of the present work. Consequently only 
the most salient features of this phase of the language will be pointed 
out in this chapter. 

Perhaps the most striking examples of idiomatic phraseology are 
found in the manner of expressing verbal concepts, like it grows, it 
fills up, it runs, etc. These ideas are expressed in Coos by means 
of a phrase which consists of the verbal stem to go or to run and of 
the abstract derivative of the particular verbal concept preceded by 
the sign of possession u (see § 97). 

ha'wi he grew up 64.12 la u ha u 'we Ae tcicl'mil the spruce- 

tree grew up (literally, goes its 
growth [of] the spruce-tree) 
20.16 
la u ha u 'we le'ux ha' wis lHol their 
(dual) ready land began to grow 
(literally, goes its growth [of] 
their [dual] ready land) 8.10, 11 

x'i'lwis deep asi 1 'l la u x'iluwl'ye Iex ya'oas the 

maggots went halfway deep 
(literally, halfway went its 
depth [of] the maggots) 40.12 

paa- to fill la u paa'wEs Ie xa a p the water is 

filling up (literally, goes its full 
[mark of] the water) 44.17 

x'in- to run nle'hl la u x'na'at with it he ran 

(literally , with it went his swift- 
ness) 42.8 
la u x'na'at Ke cx'lml the bear 
ran (literally, went his quick- 
ness [of] the bear) 

mil- to swim djl tt mi'le [it] swam [towards her] 

(literally, came its swimming 
[motion of]) 86.3 

harriL- to float la u hamLaLa'was lal tsa'yux u z/ta 

that small piece of land kept 
floating (literally, went its [con- 
ception of] floating [of] that 
small place) 46.10 

§ 118 



416 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



Another idiomatic expression worth while mentioning is the manner 
in which our terms there is, they are, are expressed. The Coos 
subject of such a sentence is either the noun qa'yis world or men 
people, which are invariably preceded by the sign of possession (see 
§9T). 



tell- to be dry 



ni'Jc'in wood, tree 26.25 



wa'waL spider 



Id that thing 32.10 



kwee'ti many live 



k/al- to shout 



ti'k'ine many stand 



tc/ll u qa'yis there was low tide 
(literally, dry its [condition of 
the] world) 18.6 

In tdle'xEm u qa'yis there is no 
low tide (literally, not dry its 
[condition of the] world) 15.8 

k' fdni'k'in u qa'yis there were no 
trees (literally, without trees its 
[appearance of the] world) 8.7, 8 

nwa'waLa u qa'yis there was a 
spider (literally, with spider its 
[condition of the] world) 30.3 

nlo'we u qa'yis there was such a 
thing (literally, with that thing 
[was as] its [asset the] world) 
32.9 

qaid'nis kwee'ti u men they were 
living in a small place (literally, 
a small place [had as] their liv- 
ing [place the] people) 50.7 

qak'elenl'we u men they began to 
shout (literally, began their 
shouting [act, of the] people) 
24.22 

tot ti'k'ineumen they were stand- 
ing there (literally, there [the] 
standing [place was of] people) 
74.28 



To the same group of idiomatic expressions belong phrases like I 

(THOU, HE . . .) AM GETTING HUNGRY, I (THOU, HE . . .) AM GETTING 

heavy, etc. The verb of such phrases in Coos is always the stem la 
to go, which is preceded by the attributive complement amplified by 
means of the modal suffix -to (see § 36). Consequently such a phrase, 
literally translated, means into a state of . . . i (thou, he . . .)go. 

Iqa- to be hungry 
pL/- to be heavy 
§ 118 



Iqatc nla I am getting hungry 
j?L/ltc la he is getting heavy 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 417 

A very peculiar expression, though by no means confined to Coos 
alone, is the manner of forming sentences that have dual subjects. 
Such sentences present two possibilities. Either both subjects are 
actually expressed, or only one is indicated while the other is under- 
stood. 

1. In sentences where one subject is understood, duality of subject- 
is indicated in Coos by using the verb in its dual form, followed imme- 
diately by the (expressed) subject. 

yixa'vjexEtc ux wu'txe hal to' miL into the house they two returned 
(the whale and) that old man 30.15, 16 

tso a'yu tcl ux la, Ie uma'catc now, surely, there they two went 
(he and) the grandmother 66.19 

yi'xen qaliml'ye tsi Vnta ux la la hu u 'mis one morning just hunt- 
ing they two went (he and) his wife 110.26 

a'yu tcl uxla Ie tek'itsi' ndtc surely, there they two went (she and) 
the granddaughter 80.15, 16 

2. If both subjects are expressed, it will be found that, in addition 
to the dual form of the verb, the dual pronoun is placed before either 
one or both subjects. 

hi'rii hanL ux tila'qai Ie u'mac ux pkak' there shall the} 7 two live 
(namely) the grandmother (and the) grandfather 68.28 

wandj La ux fajjee' nlyem tE ux tsn'na ux md'qaL thus only they 
two are known, that Thunder (and) Crow 19.10, 11 

In a few instances a similar treatment has been found in sentences 
with plural subjects. 

yixawExetc il la Ie da'mil into the house they went (the two 

women and) the man. 128.7 
tsi il huwdltsem Ie hu u 'mis just they got ready (he and) the (two) 

women 130.17, 18 

The last idiomatic formation worth mentioning here is the manner 
of expressing comparison of adjectives in accordance with the three, 
degrees, — the positive, the comparative, and the superlative. 

A comparative statement in the positive degree is expressed by means 
of a whole sentence in which the adjective is treated as a noun appear- 
ing with the nominal suffixes -es, -tES (see § 57), or -lye, -dye (see 
p. 376), and is placed between the subject and object with which it is 
compared. The sentence is invariably introduced by means of the 
conjunction /as also (see $ 110): and its comparative character is 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt. 2— 12 27 §118) 



418 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [cull. 40 

further indicated by the use of the modal adverb ta, ta u , so, such 
(see § 106), which immediately follows the subject of the sentence. 

Ms n'ne ta nhethe'teES tE e £ ne I am as rich as you are (literally, 

also I such I [have] wealth [as] this you) 
Ms n'ne ta nxd'nisEs Ie e £ ne I am as sick as you are 
Ms n'ne ta u nWyltEs tE e £ ne 1 am as good as you are 
Ms n'ne ta u nhe'mistEs Ie e £ ne I am as tall as you are 
his xa ta xwa'wlye Ie e £ ne he is as light as you are 
Ms xa ta u p&L /d'ye Ie e e ne he is as heavy as you are 
his tE la'nik' ta u x'iluwl'ye tE halti'mis that river is as deep as 

that ocean 

In many instances the abstract noun expressing the adjective con- 
cept is repeated after the object, in which case the object (and also 
the subject) assumes the function of a possessive pronoun (for pro- 
nominal subjects and objects) or of a genitive case (for nominal objects 
and subjects). 

Ms n'ne ta nqaine' es 1%'ye qaine'Es I am as cold as you are (liter- 
ally, also [of] me such [is] my cold [condition as is] your cold 
[condition]) 

Ms e £ ne ta ye £ ne u ' qldna'tES tE hen'ne u qldna'tES you are as young 
as I am (literally, also [of] thee such [is] thy youth [as is] that 
my youth) 

The comparative degree is expressed by means of a sentence in which 

the adjective is used in its simple form, while the object is indicated 

by the use of the instrumental suffix -Etc (see § 70). There is a 

marked tendency to place the object at the beginning of the sentence. 

ye £ ne'itc nlriyl I am better than you are (literally [as compared], 

with you I [am] good) 
hexa'itc nWyl I am better than he is 
nne'itc e £ qaL you are taller than I am 
xa n.ne'itc tsa'yttx u he is smaller than I am 
xwin ti'mill y £ ne'itc we two are stronger than you are 
The superlative degree may be expressed in two ways. Either the 
numeral particle go u s all (see § 109), amplified by means of the 
adverbial suffix -Etc (see § 70), is placed before the simple form of 
the adjective; or else the nominalized adverb lla'hatcEm (see §§ 58, 
104) is used for that purpose. 

xgo u 'sitc nlE'yl I am the best of all (for the use of the prefix x- 

see § 24) 
tEHi te ka'po xgo u 'sitc pz/is this here is my heaviest coat 
tea Ua'hatcEm he'mis heths'te he is the biggest chief 
xa ila'hatcEm to' mil, ma Ltta'yasltc he is the oldest man in the 
village 
§ 118 



TEXTS 

Origin of Death 
ftx 1 sla'tcim. 2 La u3 il 4 kwee'ti. 5 La u3 I'k'I 6 ux 1 nh^ma'k'e- 

They cousins (were) These they lived These both they two with wives 

two mutually. together. 

he. 7 I'k'I 6 tsaya'ne 8 le'ux 9 ti'mill 10 hP'me. 11 Yfxen 12 qaliml'ye 13 

are. Both small their (dual) male beings children. Once morning it got 

tsi 14 witcwehe' x tcl 15 la 16 a'la. In 17 he'nlye 18 xa'nis 19 la 16 a'la. 

just sick it is his child. Not a longtime sick his child. 

Tsi 14 hats 20 lEqa u 'wE 21 la 16 a'la. Xanana'ya 22 la 16 a'la, i 23 la 113 

Merely just died his child. Sorry (it) makes his child, when that 

him (feel) one 

lEqa u/ wE. 21 Tso 24 il 4 aqana'ya. 25 Helmi'his 26 in 17 Lo'wiyam. 27 

died. Now they buried it. Next day not (he) eats. 

La u 3 maha'eVat 28 1e 29 a'la. Heci/'Lentc 30 qalimi'ye 13 la u 3 

That is looking after it the child. Four times at morning it got that 

one frequently one 

laata'ya 31 la 16 sla'atc. 2 "E £32 tcWheni. 33 Ta'i 34 sla! 35 Xtci'tcu 88 

went to him his cousin. "Thou thinking art. Halloo, cousin! How 

1 Personal pronoun 3d person dual (§18). 

2 sla- cousin; -ate suffix of relationship (§ 65); -ini distributive (§§ 72, 11, 7). 

8 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100). 

* Personal pronoun 3d person plural (§18). 

s Plural stem (§51). 

6 Numeral particle (§ 109). 

i n- with (§21); hmmak-e wives (§ 78); -e auxiliary (§§ 44, 10, 7). 

s Plural formation (§ 78). 

9 Possessive pronoun 3d person dual (§98). 

io Plural formation (§§78, 115). 

» Plural formation (§78). 

nytxei one (§101); -en multiplicative (§ 75). 

Uqaltm- morning; -lye transitional (§ 35). 

i« Restrictive particle (§94). 

" vMcwahaxtc- sick; -I neutral intransitive suffix (§§ 81, 7) 

is Possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§§ 98, 7). 

h Particle of negation (§ 112). 

i*henl- A while; -lye transitional (§§ 35, 9). 

* 9 xan- sick; -is nominal (§ 56). 

2° Conjunction (§110). 

a Singular stem (§51). 

n xdn- sick; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun (§§50, 7). 

23 Conjunction when, as, since, while (§ 110). 

2« Conjunction (§ 110). 

25 eqe dead; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun (§§ 50, 7). 

™helmi to-morrow; -is ordinal (§§ 74, 10). 

*> Ld"~ TO eat; -am (§ 65). 

2*maha- to watch; -eiwat frequentative (§ 33). 

"Definite article (§17). 

K he'cLiL four; -entcls ordinal multiplicative (§ 76). 

8i la- to go; -t transitive (§ 26); -dya non-active object pronoun (§47). 

82 Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§ 18). 

**tcine- to think, -eni verbal (§ § 45, 10). 

8<Interjection(§lll). 

sa Vocative (§65). 

"as- modal (§ 24); tcitc particle (§ 112); -u interrogative ($ 73). 

419 



420 



BUEEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



!7 iluwe /x tcis, 38 katVmisen 

heart, five times 

Wandj 42 Lla/xEm. 43 "In 17 

Thus talking " Not 



ye e 

thy 



talking 
condition. 



39 qalimi'ye 13 ul 40 wu'txe ten 41 a'la." 

morning it gets should return that my child." 

hel 44 sla. 35 Hats 20 e £32 qla'mtsam! 45 

thou eat! 



nfwets 

happy 



La u3 

That 
one 

Tso 24 

Now 

tcine'heni. 33 

thinking (he) is. 



hanL 46 

will (be) 



surely cousin. Just 

£37 iluwe' x tcis." 38 



qats 

still 



49 



he'mye 18 

long time 

.. I A 1Q 

xa ms. 

sick. 

i 23 Ia u3 

when that 
one 



i ni ye 

no more 

"E £32 Lalaha'mi 

''Thee get even with, 
I— thee 

a/v u 53 y^i tc wehe'Hci 15 

surely sick it is 

Mandj 55 lEqa u 'wE. 21 

Already (it) died. 

lEqa u 'wE 21 la 16 a'la. 

died his child. 



ye co ' iluwe'xtcis. "™ Wandj 42 Pit. 47 

thy heart." Thus (he) told 

it to him. 

u 50 iluwe'Hcis. 38 Hats 20 wandj 42 

his heart. Just thus 

hanLel." 52 A'yu 53 In 17 yu 54 

shall surely." Surely not very 



tcitc 42 

manner 



Lia xEm, 

talking 
condition 

tcl 59 

there 



43 



J 23 

when 



te'is 63 

this our 
(dual) 

a'la." 

children. 



la. 

(he) 
went. 

a'la. 

child. 



la u3 

that 
one 

u Ta'I 34 

"Halloo, 



dowa'ya 58 

wants it 

sia! 35 

cousin! 



la 16 a'la. 

his child. 

He^kwalnta 56 u 50 

Very bad his 

A^u 53 cili'ye 57 

Surely indeed 

it was 

wu'txe la 16 a'la. 

(to) return his child. 



In 17 

Not 



he'mye 18 

long time 

iluwe' x tcis, 38 



heart 



1e 29 

he 



wandj 42 

thus 



Tso 24 

Now 



A'yu 53 

Surely 



CUL 



60 



ought 



wutxa'xa 61 

(to) return singly 



KatVmisen 39 

Five times 



qalimi'ye 13 

morning it gets 



Wandj 42 

Thus 



nv 



(he) told 
it to him. 



"In 17 

"Not 



UX 1 
they 
two 

hel 44 

surely 



wu'txe 

return 

sla! 35 

cousin! 



hanL 46 

shall 



Hats 20 

Just 



a'yu 53 

surely 

Elt 62 
about to 

te'is 63 

these our 
(dual) 

hanL 46 

shalt 



e £32 q!a'rntsam! 45 La u3 

thou eat! That 

one 

Lla'xEm. 43 "Qaikn 64 

talking "(I) thought 

condition. 



ni'wets hanL 46 ye £37 

happy will (be) thy 



iluwe'Hcis." 38 

heart." 



Wandj 42 

Thus 



ilx 1 wutxa'xa 61 Eit 62 te'is 63 hP'me, 11 ta 65 

they return singly about to these our children, and 
two (dual) 



91). 



re pronoun 2d person singular (§ 98). 
^tluw&ztc- heart (?); -is nominal (§ 58). 
^kat'E'mls four; -en multiplicative (§ 75). 
«° Syntactic particle denoting the optative (\ 
*i Possessive pronoun 1st person singular (§98). 

42 Modal ad v erb ( § 106 ) . 

i3 L.'a- to speak; -xem generic (§30). 

« Syntactic particle denoting degree of certainty (§§ 88, 7). 

toq.'m- to eat; -is transitive (§ 26); -am (§§ 55, 11). 

46 Syntactic particle (§87). 

r<vl- to tell to; -t transitive (§26). 

43 Syntactic particle (§ 89). 

49 In not; -lye transitional (§ 35). 

f0 Sign of possession (§97). 

&l Lala- to get even with; -ami transitive subject and object pronoun i— thee 

vfianL shall; il surely (§§ 87, 88, 7). 

S3 Modal adverb (§ 106). 

^ Modal adverb (§ 106). 

55 Temporal adverb (§ 106). 

56 Syntactic particle (§ 93); ta so [literally, verily, not so] (§ 106). 
67 til syntactic particle (§90); -lye transitional (§ 35). 

^dow- to wish, to desire; -aya non-active object pronoun (§ 47). 

™ Local adverb (§ 104). 

so Syntactic particle (§§ 90, 91). 

61 Reduplicated stem wutxe to come back (§ S3). 

62 Syntactic particle (§ 87). 

63 Possessive pronoun inclusive, dual (§ 98). 
"Syntactic particle denoting degree of knowledge (§ 88). 
65 Conjunction (§ 110). 



46, 10). 



boas 2 HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 421 

qats 48 la u3 en 66 dowa'ya 58 xwandj. 67 He i68 hanL 46 yiqa 69 In 17 

however that thou didst want thus. (Emphatic) shall still not 

thing not it 

wutxa'xa 61 Eit 62 yanLawe 70 ma lEqa u 'wE, 21 nayim 71 en 66 dowa'ya 58 

return singlv going to whenever beings die, because thou not didst want 

it 

xwandj. 67 Xnowe 72 i 23 cil 57 tE 73 xwandj 67 e/ 32 Plta'is." 74 Wand] 42 

thus. Right when indeed that thus thou didst tell it Thus 

there to, thou— me." 

tcine'henl. 33 Ma 75 xnowe 72 lEla u3 wandj 42 Tit. 47 Kat'E'misen 39 

thinking (he) is. However right that's thus (he) told it Five times . 

(the thing) to him. 

qaliml'ye 13 ul 40 wutxa'xa 61 Eit, 62 yiuv 6 xwandj 67 Llats. 77 Le'^i ul, 40 

morning i't should return singly going if thus 3peak. Good would 

gets to should be 

yfiL 76 kat E'misen 39 qalimfyG 13 wutxa'xa 61 Eit 62 hE 29 ma lEqa u 'wE. 21 

if five times morning it return singly inten- the people die. 

should gets tion (who) 

Tso 24 yiqainl 78 hela'qaxEm. 79 Wiindj 42 hatctlenl'yeqEm. 80 

Now so far it got (the story). Thus the story is being told. 

[Translation] 

Once upon a time there were two cousins. They lived together. 
They were both married, and each had a little boy. One morning one 
of the boys became sick. He was not sick long before he died. The 
father felt sorry when the child died. Then they buried it. 

The next day he (the father of the dead boy) could not eat. He was 
merely looking at the dead child. On the fourth day he went to his 
cousin. "Halloo, cousin! What do you think? Should m}^ child re- 
turn after five days?" — "Oh, no, cousin!" answered the other one. 
"You simply eat, and you will feel happy." He did not know what 
to answer. He was merel} T thinking to himself, "I will certainly get 
even with 3 7 ou." 

After a short time the other man's child became sick. It was not 
ill very long before it died. The father was very much grieved when 
his child died. He therefore went to his neighbor and said to him. 
"Halloo, cousin! I think our two children ought to return. They 
ought to come back after five days." But the other man answered, 

««es thou (§ 18) ; In not (§ 112, 9). 

«'x- modal (§ 24); wiindj thus (§ 106). 

« Syntactic particle (§ 93). 

» Syntactic particle (§ 89). 

™yanL IF ( future) (§ 91); he customarily (§ 87). 

n Syntactic particle (§ 89). 

12 x- modal (§ 21); ndwe all right. 

'3 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100). 

i* ill- to tell, -t transitive (§ 26); -aX% transitive subject and object pronoun (§ 46). 

"Syntactic particle (§ 89). 

w Particle denoting the optative (§ 91). 

"L.Vi- to 8PEA.K; -U transitive (§ 26). 

'8 Adverb (§101). 

™hdaq to arrive; -xEm generic (§§ 30 4, 11). 

tohihtctt! story; -eat verbal (§§ 45, 11); -lyeqBm passive (§ 40). 



422 



BUEEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



"Oh, no, cousin! You just eat and you will feel happy again. I 
had intended that our dead children should come back, but you did 
not wish it that way. And now, whenever people die, they will not 
come back, because you objected to it. You were right when you 
spoke against it." 

He was justified in thus addressing him. People would have come 
back after five days if he had originally consented to it. It would 
have been good if the dead people could come back. Here the story 
ends. In this manner people relate this story. 

The Theft of Fire and Water 



Nma'henet 1 tE 2 

With people it that 

(mutually) was there 

II 6 k-lfttclwfil. 7 II 6 

They without fire. They 

Bit, 11 la u2 il 6 

intend, that they 

thing 

tEma'Le 15 ma 

old people 



Llta. 

land. 



Go u s : 

All 



k*!axa a p. 7 

without water. 



tso* 

now 



he 11 

custom- 
arily 

LtL!e ir yat. 20 

scoop it out. 



(they) eat. 



la u2 

that 
thing 

Wandj 21 

That way 



LlpeqaqaVwat. 12 

in the arm-pits to be, 
cause it frequently. 

la u2 tcIMla'e'wat 16 

that cause it to be under- 
thing neath, frequently 

qlmits. 18 Yuwe 19 

Whenever 



yuxtik' 21 

barely 



tcitc 4 li'mx'ne 15 ma. 

kinds mixed up (they (the) 

were) mutually beings. 

I 8 di 1 ! 9 il 6 Lowe^'wat 1 * 

When something they eat frequently 

Xle'itc 13 tVlats. 14 La u2 

With it with (they) dance. Those 



he. 11 

custom- 
arily. 



Tso 8 

Now 



skwey em'yeqEm u 

it is talked about 



Is 25 

the 



tclwal. 

fire. 



he 11 pi'ctci, 17 

custom- warm it 
arily gets, 

qa'lyeq iJ'le, la u2 he 11 il 6 

salmon comes they are usually they 
out, the ones 

Lowa/was. 23 La u2 

food. That 

thing 

l a u2 J m 28 



he'll 22 

their 



"Xtcftcu 26 

"How 



would 
it be, 



yuL^ 

should 



that 
thing 



in- adverbial (§ 21); ma people; -e auxiliary (§§ 44,10); -n distributive (§§ 37,25); -t transitive 
(§§26,4). 
2 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100). 
s Numeral particle (§ 109). 
*Particle(§112), 

Himx'- to mix; -nei distributive (§ 37). 
6 Personal pronoun 3d person plural (§ 18) 
i k'!a- privative (§20). 
sConjunction (§ 110). 
^Pronominal particle (§ 108). 
h>£o«- to eat; -eiwat frequentative (§§ 33,8). 
"Syntactic particle (§87). 

12 L.'peq- to be in aem-pits; -aeiwat frequentative causative (§ 34); see also reduplication (§83), 
w»- instrumental (§24); Ie article (§17); -Etc instrumental (§70). 
ut'al- to dance; -ts transitive (§ 26). 
is Plural formation (§78). 

iHc.'icil mat; -aeiwat frequentative causative (§34). 
Hpictc- to be warm: -I neutral intransitive (§31). 
™q!m- to eat; -ts transitive (§26). 
wyii veky (§ 106); he customarily (§87); see also §9. 
WLtLl- to scoop out; -lyat causative (§§ 27, 2). 
21 Modal adverb (§106). 

22 Possessive pronoun 3d person plural (§ 98). 
sslom- to eat; -dwas verbal abstract (§§ 59, 8). 
**skw- TO talk about; -em verbal (§ 45); -iyeqsm passive (§§ 40,9). 
25 Article (§17). 

36x- modal (§ 24) ; tcltc manner (§ 112); -u interrogative (§73). 
"Syntactic particle (§91). 
28 Personal pronoun 1st person plural (§18). 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 



423 



^ata'ya?" 29 - 

go toit?"— 

A'yu 21 tor 



Surelv 



Tci 30 hariL 31 tin 28 la." Tso 8 

'There shall we go." Now 

it 6 he'Iaq. A'yu 21 tclila'at 32 

Surely to burn it is 

caused 



there thev arrived. 



ft 6 la. 

they went. 

ii 6 

when they 



te /x tits. 33 

entered. 

tci 30 1e 25 

there the 

sla! Is 40 

cousin! We 
two 

XpEkwfltcume 44 

From the opposite side 



Hats 8 y iqax 34 

Just right away 

ma ha'lqait. 37 

person (he) came to. 



k'ilo'wit 35 1e 25 

(he) saw it the 

Xta'nuxwltc 38 

Sideways 



a'yu 21 tci 30 

surely there 

tE 

that fire, 

there 

xa^p. Lowa'kats 36 

water. Sat 

Lowa'kats. 36 u Ta1 39 

(he) was sitting. ' ' Halloo, 



ali'cani 41 



play 



hanE." 31 

shall." 



Lowa'kats. 36 

(he) sat. 



Hats 8 

Just 

Tso 8 

Now 



kwa 42 

as if 



in 4 

not 



he'mye, 45 

(after) a while 



Qaniya'ta 47 

Stranger 



e £48 hen'ne u49 sla 

thou my cousin 



Mtc 50 cantE?" 51 

(surprise) (?) " 



: E £48 lEqa u wiya'tanr 

Thou story tell 



L." £ 
must. 



"Ma 34 cku 42 

"But it must 
be 



hen 



thou 



klayahaVwat. 43 

(he) hears it. 

tso 8 flxats. 46 

now (he) ooked 

at him. 

Wandj 21 Llats. 52 

Thus (he) spoke. 

nila'hatcEm 55 

at priority 



la ye £56 ha u 'we." 57 Tso 8 qats 34 

goes thy growth." Now, however, 



Tso* 

Now 



I 



pi. 



ndian 
cradle. 



aso'° 9 

again 

Te 2 

That 
there 

ta s 



te' x tits. 33 

(he) entered. 



'Halloo, 



ye £ ne u56 pi 4 

Indian 
cradle 



thy 



qa'lex 61 ; 

(is) old; and 



te i2 

this 
here 



la u2 

that 
one 

ni'klwa 31 

used (to be) 



Lle^c. He'mye 45 e'he qano'tca. 58 

(he) went Awhile (he) was outside, 

out. gone 

sla! Anta 39 te i2 ni'klwa 31 ye £ ne u56 

cousin!" Look this used (to be) thy 

here 

Lla'nex. 60 Te 2 hen'ne u49 pPl la u2 

(is) new. That my Indian that 

there cradle one 

y e c ne u56 ngu'h^ £ a s te 12 ni'klwa 31 

thy shinny-club, and this used (to be) 

here 



2 Ha- to go; -t transitive (§ 26); -dya non-active object pronoun (§ 47). 

3° Local adverb (§104). 

« Syntactic particle (§ 87). 

®tc:il- to burn; -eet causative passive (§§ 41,7). 

™text- to enteb; -ts transitive (§ 26). 

34 Syntactic particle (§89). 

Mk'ttdu- to see; -t transitive (§§ 26,8). 

86 lo«/;«-to sit; -ts transitive (§§ 26,11). 

®helq- to arrive; -t transitive (§§ 26,7,11). 

™x- modal (§ 24); tanuxu- side; -Itc modal (§§ 67,8). 

sainterjection (§111). 

40 Personal pronoun inclusive, dual (§18). 

* l alEc toy; -eni verbal (§§ 45,7). 

"Syntactic particle (§88). 

Kk.'ayaha- to hear; -eiwat frequentative (§ 33). 

«x- locative (§ 22); pEkw'd- opposite; -te adverbial (§§ 25,104); -ume nominalizing (§ 64). 

KfienT- a while; -lye transitional (§§ 35,9) . 

*Hlx- to look; -Is transitive (§ 26). 

vqanhja'ta belonging to a diffebent tbibe, a stranger. 

<8 Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§18). 

< fj Possessive pronoun 1st person singular (§ 98). 

^Syntactic particle (§90). 

m Can not be analyzed. 

ml.'o- to speak; -ts transitive (§ 26). 

niBqavwtyatas story (compare lEqauwE to pie) ; eni verbal (§§ 45,7). 

-'Syntactic particle (§ 92). 

"«- adverbial (§ 21); lla before (§ 104); -te adverbial (§§ 25,103,10,7): -Em adverbial abstract (§ 58). 

' ,; Possessive pronoun 2d person singular (§§ 18, 98) . 

vhau- to grow; -e (§80); see also §§ 8, 118. 

Mqano- outside; -te adverbial (§§ 25,104); -a directive (§ .V)). 

^Temporal adverb (§ 105). 

ML.'an- new; -ex adjectival (§ 66). 

ftqal- old (compare qalu winter); -tx adjectival (§ 06). 



£24 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



hen'ne u49 na u 'hm, ta 8 

my shinny-club, and 



te i2 

this 
here 

nfklwa 31 hen'ne u49 kwa'sis. 62 

used (to be) °my ball. 



ni'klwa 31 

used (to be) 

Lla'nex 60 

New (is) 



ye'ne L 

thy 



y e £ ne u 56 



kwa'sis, 62 ta 8 

ball, and 



te i2 hen'ne u49 kwa'sis.' 

this my ball, 

here 

Tei 30 hito u tsa'tExa. 63 

There (he) put them down for 
him. 

Tei 30 il 65 e £48 Lo u k u . 

There surely thou sit down. 



Kwa 42 kwe 42 yu 

As if perhaps very 



thy 

21 



A'yu 21 

Surely 



k'ilo'wit. 35 

(he) saw it. 



te i2 

this 
here 

kwa'sis. 62 Qa'lex 61 

ball. Old (is) 

l 54 sla." 

must cousin." 
(be) 

cill'ye 64 sla. 

indeed cousin 

it is 



m 4 a'yu 21 

not 



surely 

"A'yu 21 

"Surely 



IS 4 

We 

two 



alfcanl 41 hanL." 31 Tso 5 

play shall." Now 



a'yu 21 ux bb 

surely they 
two 



haiti / tEme u . 6 ' 

gamble together. 



"Yi'kwanL 68 

"Perhaps shall 



dMtCE'tC 89 

something 



ten 70 

that I 



i 8 

when 



that 
one 



xtcitc 75 

in the 
manner 



Ll'tEta 72 1e 25 

puts (his) hands the 
behind (his) back 
(one of) 

yux 27 wi'yetc 

if would a piece of 

abalone shell 

77 



with 

55 



na nrxqa 

players?" 



nxwa'lxwal 76 

in eye 



Llaqa Vwat, 71 

point my finger at 
him frequently, 

Tcine'henl. 73 "Yi'kiiL 74 

(He) is thinking. " Perhaps 

would be 

n 77 x'Llowa'eHvat? 78 

I cause it to be inside? 



Lexa'tcEm 79 hanL 31 

Inside, the part shall 



n" qa'qal. Cin 80 L^k'ina'is 81 hariL, 31 yanL 27 

°I sleep. You support you— me shall, if shall. 



n 77 Ll'tEta." 72 

I put (my hands) 

behind (my) back." 



A'yu 21 yiqa'x 34 wandj. 21 

Surely 

LltE'ta. 72 



just 



Wandj 21 Ll&'xEm. 82 

Thus talking, 

condition. 

Tso* 

Now 



that way. 



Wandj 21 Tit 83 1e 25 ma'nat. 

Thus (he) told the crowd, 

it to 

a'yu 21 Llaqa'e'wat, 71 f 8 la u2 

surely (he) points (the) finger when that 
at him, frequently one 

A'yu 21 yuxwa /109 ma Llo^-m^'wat, 84 Tcl'tcu 85 c E86 dPi 9 

puts (his) Surely two persons support him steadily. How sur- thinge 

hands behind prise 

(his) back. 

itsem. 87 Xya'bas 88 yapti'tsa 89 la 90 pi'uVis, 91 la 90 ye'es, la 90 tcul, la 90 

happened. Maggots ate up his anus, his face, his nose, his 



62 kwds- ? ; -is nominal (§56). 

63 hltou- TO put down; -ts transitive (§26); -tea; direct object pronoun plural (§54); -a indirect object 
pronoun (§49; see also § 7). 
64 ctl syntactic particle (§90); -lye transitional (§35). 
es Syntactic particle (§ 88). 
66 Personal pronoun 3d person dual (§18). 

&hai- to gamble; -t transitive (§ 26); -t transitive (§ 26); -meu reciprocal (§ 29; see also § 4). 
Myiku syntactic particle (§ 88); hanL shall (§§ 87, 8, 9). 
^dlH something (§ 108); -tc adverbial (§ 25); -Etc instrumental (§ 70). 
70 Personal pronoun 1st person singular (§§ 18, 98). 
^L.'aqa- to point at; -eiwat frequentative (§ 33). 
72 h!tEta to put one's hand behind the back (during a game). 
lutein- to think; -enl verbal (§§ 45, 10). 
™ ylku perhaps (§88); uh would be (§§ 91, 9). 
75 x- modal (§ 24) ; telle particle (§ 112). 
76%- adverbial (§ 21); xwalxwal eye (§§ 83, 116). 
77 Personal pronoun 1st person singular (§ 18) . 

itx-L.'ou- to be inside (§ 54); -ae mat frequentative causative (§§ 34, 8). 
^lexatc inside (§ 104); -Em adverbial abstract (§ 58). 
80 Personal pronoun 2d person plural (§ 18) . 

^L.'oxk-in- to steady, to support; -dis transitive, subject and object pronoun thou-me (§ 46). 
82 Lid- to talk; -xEm generic suffix (§ 30). 
*Htt- to say to; -t transitive (§26). 
**L.'dxk-in- to support; -eiwat frequentative (§ 33). 

8 5 telte particle (§ 112); -u interrogative (§73). 

86 Syntactic particle denoting surprise (§ 90). 

wits- to do, to be (§ 113); -em suffix defining the subject (§ 30). 

88 a;- discriminative (§23); yabas maggot. 

wyab- maggot; -t transitive (§ 26); -ts transitive (§§ 26, 25); -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49). 

9 " Possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§98). 

sipilik'- anus; -is nominal (§56). 



21 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 425 

k^a'nas. His 8 Inlhenf ye-Es 92 xya'bas 88 qlmits. 18 La" 2 In 4 la u 2 

ears. Also (in) no time inaggots ate him. That not that 

one thing 

i'lxats. 46 Hats 8 yi'qa 34 tci 30 Lowa'kats. 36 Xyuxwa' 93 ma 

(at) looked. Just continually there (he) sat. Two per- 

sons 

Llo^-me^wat 84 xpqai'hltc. 94 Wi'yax x-Llowa'^wat 78 Ian 95 

support him steadily from (the) back. Abalone shell (he) caused to be his in 

inside 

xwa'lxwal. Lexa'tcEm 79 qa'qal. La u 2 qats 34 kwa 42 a'yu 

eye. Inside, the part (he) slept That one just as if surely 

kwi'nait. 96 Hitc 50 wi'yax 1e 25 x'Lll'ye 97 Ian 95 xwa'lxwal. Hats 8 

looked at it. Surprise abalone it inside it is his in eye. Just 

shell 

la'mak* Lowa'kats. 36 Asi'L 30 la u 98 x'iluwfye" Iex 100 ya'bas, i 8 

bones sitting. Halfway goes its growth (of) the maggots, when 

la u 2 xya'bas 88 Lowe 1 ' wat. 10 Itse'ts 101 yiku 65 il 65 la u 2 henl'y eEs 92 

that the maggots eat him continually. May be surely he for some time 

one 

hi' nl 30 Lowa'kats. 36 Tso 8 wandj 21 tcine'henl. 73 "YikwanL 68 dFltcE'tc M 

there (he) sat. Now thus thinking. "Perhaps shall something 

with 

tEn 70 Llaqa'eVat?" 71 Hats 8 kwanL 102 In 4 yu 21 dFl 9 qaya u 'wlye, 103 

that I point my finger ajt Just as if not very something scared, 

him frequently?" shall he becomes 

yuL 27 xle'itc 13 n 77 Llaqa'e'wat." 71 Wandj 21 tcine'henl. 73 Yi'qa 34 In 4 

if would with it °I point my fingers at Thus thinking. Still not 

with him frequently." 

flxats 46 1e 25 ya'bas; ma 34 ii 65 hats 8 la'niak' slL'ne 1 . 104 Yi'qa 34 In 4 

(he) looked the maggots; how- surely just bones joined Still not 

at ever together. 

i'lxats. 46 "CFn 105 k-elle^wat. 106 Cin 80 sqats hanL 31 tE 2 tclwfll, yanL 27 

(he) looked "You not forget it. You grab shall that fire, if shall 

at it. there 

iin 28 tqats. 107 La u2 his 8 tE 2 xa a p cin 80 x'intl'ta 10S hanL." 31 

we win (game). That one also that water you cause it to run shall." 

there 

Wandj 21 Lla'xEm. 82 Yixe 1 ' 109 ma wandj 21 Lla'xEin. 82 "Ns'xkan 110 

That way talking, One person that way talking, "I 

condition. condition. 

hanL 31 la u2 n 77 x'intl'yat 111 tE 2 xa a p.— Te i2 la u2 e £48 x'inti'yat 111 hanL 31 

shall (be) the °I run, cause it that water-— This the you to run, cause it shall 

one there here one 

win negation (§ 112) ; I abbreviated form of diU (§ 108); henlye \ while; -es noun of quality (§57). 

9 3 x- discriminative (§23); yti'xwil two (§ 101). 

94 x- FROM (§22); pqai back; -Uc local suffix (§§67, 10). 

*>la possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§ 98); n- adverbial (§ 21). 

x kwlna- to look; -t transitive (§26). 

w X'Ll- to be inside (§ 54); -lye transitional (§ 35). 

98 Sign of possession (§97). 

"x-ilu- deep; -lye nominal suffix (§§80,8). 

loo Ie article (§ 17); x- discriminative (§ 23). 

ioi See § 113. 

I 02 kwa as if (§ 88); ham shall (§§ 87, 9). 

103 qayau- to be afraid; -lye transitional (§§35, 8). 

i° 4 «7l- to join; -net distributive (§37). 

i* cm personal pronoun, 2d person plural (§ 96); In not (see § 9.). 

loe/c-ei- to forget; -cheat frequentative (§33); see § 83. 

™tq- to win; -ts transitive (§20). 

v*x-Ent- to run; -iyat causative (§ 27); -a indirect object pronoun (§§ 49, 11). 

i<» Cardinal numeral (§ 101). 

no Personal pronoun 1st person singular (§ 96). 

ni x-Ent- to run; -lyit causative (§ 27). 



426 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

tE 2 tclwal." Tso 8 xwandj^Plt. 83 "Kwl'yal 112 halt! 113 e £ ne 114 he 11 

that fire." Now thus (he) told "Now now thou custom- 

there it to arily 

him. 

L!tE r ta." 72 Wandj 21 !^. 83 "Yi'kwani^dPltcE'te^tEn 70 Llaqa'eVat?" 71 

put (thy) Thus (he) told "Perhaps shall something tins point the finger at 

hands behind it to with here I him continually?" 

(thy) back." him. 

u Hats 8 In 4 yu 21 di 1 ! 9 yti 21 qayawa'waL. 115 Lo 116 l 117 ul 27 1e>I, 

"Just not very some- very scaring. That neces- would good, 

thing thing sarily be 

yuL 27 x*owa'yasEtc 118 n 77 Llaqa^wat." 71 KMatcIha'yims 119 la u2 

if snake with I point (my) finger at Without dying down that one 

should him continually." (the fire) 

tc lila' at. 120 Tso 8 a/yu 21 x'owa'yasEtc 118 Lla'qat. 121 Lowiti'yeqEm. 122 

to burn, it is Now surely snake with (he) pointed (He) is watching 

caused. (the) finger himself. 

at him. 

X'owa'yas ban 123 dji'letc xa'Fmats. 124 Hats 125 kwa 42 xtcitc 7 

Snake his at thighs wraps around. Just looks like something 

Itsem. 87 Ma 34 ai'wa 126 in 4 k'ilo'wit. 35 Han 123 we'hel la u2 

happened How- still not (he) sees it. His to waist that 

ever one 

he'Iaq 1e 25 x'dwa'yas. Han 123 ye'es la u2 kwa 42 1'nuwlt. 127 

arrived the snake. His to mouth that one as if threatens 

(to go). 

AkVnak* 128 he'Uta hex 129 x'owa'yas. Hats 8 han 130 kwa 42 

Sticks out (the) tongue the snake. Just will as if 

han 123 tcul la u2 te' x tits 33 1e 25 x'owa'yas. Qai x, qa'y6na'ya, 131 i 8 

his in nose that one enter the snake. Afraid, (it) made him, when 

la u2 klld'wit. 35 Si'xits 132 e^qatce. 133 N Eqa'ya. 134 Lixana'yem 135 

that (he) saw it. (He) shook it one side to. (He) ran away Throw (indefinite) 

one off from it. (People shout at him) 

ye'es. X'i'x'intu 136 1e 25 tclwal. He^kwaln 137 xhu'wis 138 ma 

mouth. (It) is being taken the fire. Very poor person 

away quickly (is) 

la u2 x'inti'yat 111 1e 25 tclwal. He^yu 139 xtca/y ux u 138 ma la u2 

the (to) run, causes the fire. Very small person the 

one (he is) one 

112 Temporal adverb (§ 105). 

us Temporal adverb (§ 105). 

" 4 Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§96). 

usqayau- to fear; -awaL nominal suffix (§59). 

us Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100) . 

i" Syntactic particle (§92). 

iwx-owdyas snake; -Etc instrumental (§ 70). 

" 9 A;-/a- privative (§20); tc.'ha- to extinguish; -ayims nominal (§ 80). 

votcHl- to burn; -aat passive causative (§§ 41, 7). 

i 21 L/aga- to point at with one's finger; -t transitive (§26). 

122 louxt- to watch; -iyeqEin passive (§§ 40, 3, 11). 

123 hd possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§ 98) ; n- adverbial (§ 21). 

wxalm- to wrap around; -ts transitive (§26). 

i* 5 Conjunction (§ 110). 

126 Temporal adverb (§ 105). 

wiinuiol very, modal adverb (§106); -t transitive (§26). 

wak'ank-- TO stick out (§4). 

129 hE article (§17); x- discriminative (§23). 

i3o Syntactic particle (§87). 

wqayau- to scare; -anaya direct and indirect object pronoun (§§ 50, 3, 82). 

132 six-- to shake off; -ts transitive (§26). 

133 Local adverb (§§ 104, 103, 55). 

MnEq to run away; -ay a non-active object pronoun (§47). 

issL/xcm- to throw; -aya (§ 47); -em suffix defining the subject (§§ 30, 9). 

wx-Ent- to run; -u present passive (§§ 38, 82). 

is? Syntactic particle (§93). 

138 x- discriminative (§23). 

«9 he syntactic particle (§93); yu very, modal adverb (§ 106). 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 427 

tlkwi'tsa 140 1e 25 xa a p. Xplye'etc 141 L°wa'hait 142 hE 25 men. 143 

kicks it the water. In the manner of run the people. 

going home 

K u ha'nasatc 144 ha u2 lExalxa'yu 145 hE 25 tclwal. Nle'hi 146 la u 98 

Ear in that one was put in the fire. With it goes his 

x'na'at. 147 Le 25 xa a p ha'kwal 148 hE'mtset, 149 i 8 la u2 tlkwi'tsa. 140 

quickness The water as if (to) lay bare, when that kicked it. 

(he runs). caused, it was, one 

Mandj 150 hats 8 gi'mtset 151 lE'tsix'. 152 K u niene'iletc 153 iJxa'na 154 

Already Just (to) rain caused right here. Brush into (he) threw it, 

it was 

1e 25 tclwal. Klwe'hetc 155 la u2 Llxant. 156 Hats 8 Llxant, 1 ' 56 

the fire. Willow into that threw it. Just (he) threw it, 

one 

mandj 150 Ikwi'Iitu. 157 Tso 8 aso /15 ° il 6 wu'txe tsiVti. 158 

already to blaze, it begins. Now again they returned here. 

Xtemi'towetc 159 IeiI 160 ntclwa'ie. 161 Xtemi'towetc 159 towe 162 

From that time on they with fire are. From that time on usually 

g'i'mit. 183 La u2 xwandj 21 towe 162 g'i'mlt. 163 Xwandj 21 La 164 

(it) rains. That (is) thus (the usually (it) rains. That way only 

manner how) 

kwee'niyem. 165 Tso 8 tci 30 a'wixEm. 166 

know it (indefinite). Now there end, condition. 

[Translation] 

The earth was full of people. All kinds of people lived in a 
mixed -up fashion. They had no fire or water. Whenever they 
wanted to eat, they would put the food under their arms (in order 
to heat it). They would dance with it, or the old people would sit on 
it. And when the food became warm, then they would eat it. When- 
ever salmon came ashore, they used tib scoop it out. 

™°t.'kw- TO kick; -ts transitive (§ 26).; -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49). 

'« x- modal (§ 24); plx-- to go home; -eetc modal (§ 36; also § 3). 

WLowahai- to kun; -t transitive (§ 26). 

J« Plural formation (§ 78). 

ivfo'lia'nas ear; -etc local (§§ 68, 7). 

v-'lax- to be inside (singular object); -ayu past passive (§§39, 83, 54). 

i«n- adverbial (§ 21); -Ie article (§17); -I instrumental (§§80, 10). 

"7 see § 118. 

J«8 Syntactic particle (§88). 

i* 9 hEm- to lay open; -ts transitive (§ 26); -et causative passive (§ 41). 

i5o Temporal adverb (§ 105). 

i^giin-TO rain; -ts transitive (§ 26); -et causative passive (§ 41). 

»«2b article (§ 17); tsix' here, local adverb (§ 104). 

iw kwnene'il brush; -etc local (§68). 

llA L.'xan- to throw; -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49). 

wk.'wche- willow; -etc local (§§ 68, 9). 

^L.'san- to throw; -t transitive (§ 26). 

wikwil- TO blaze; -t transitive; -u transitional (§§ 35, 114). 

its Local adverb (§104). 

j59 X . from, locative (§ 22); temltowetc (see § 106). 

ie" Ie article (§ 17); il personal pronoun 3d person plural (§ 96). 

ifi'n- with, instrumental (§ 21); tclwal fire; -c auxiliary (§ 44). 

162 See §87. 

JMylm- to rain; -t transitional (§§ 26, 114). 

164 Syntactic particle (§94). 

is'fcwaan-TOKNOW; -aya non-active object pronoun (§47); -I'm suffix defining the subject (§§ 30, 7). 

maw- to finish, to end; -xEm generic (§ 30). 



428 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

In this manner they had hardly any food. They were all the time 
talking about fire. "How would it be if we should go after fire?-' — 
"Let us go." They went. When they arrived, they found the fire 
burning; and one of them saw the water. The chief of the people 
(to whom they came) was sitting indoors. He was sitting sidewa}~s. 
14 Halloo, cousin!" said the earth-chief. "Let us gamble (for the fire 
and water)!" The sky-chief acted as if he did not hear. The earth- 
chief sat down opposite him. After a short time the sky-chief looked 
up and said, "You belong to a different tribe, so in what way are you 
my cousin? You must tell a story." But the earth-chief answered, 
"You are older than I," and he went out. After a while he came 
back and said, "Halloo, cousin! Look! this here is your Indian cra- 
dle. 1 Your Indian cradle 1 is new, while mine is old. And this here 
is your shinny-club, 2 while that there is my shinny-club. 2 This is 
your ball, 2 and that one is my ball. 2 Your ball 2 is new, but mine is 
old. Is it not so ?" Then he put all these things before him. The sky- 
chief looked at them, and said, "Indeed, it i's so, O cousin! Sit down 
here, we will gamble." 

They began to play. The earth-chief thought to himself, "With 
what shall I point my finger at the player who puts his hand behind his 
back ? Suppose I put a piece of abalone shell into my eye ? I will 
sleep in the inside part of my eye." Then he said to his followers, 
"You shall support me when I put my hands behind my back;" and 
what he demanded was done. 

Then he pointed his finger at him (the sky-chief) when he put his 
hand behind his back. Two men were supporting him. Thus things 
happened. Maggots began to eat up his (the skj^-chief's) anus, his 
face, his nose, his ears. Soon the maggots ate him up; but he did 
not notice it. He kept on sitting there. Two men were still sup- 
porting him from the back. He had an abalone shell in his eye, and 
was sleeping in that inside part. Now it seemed as if the sky-chief 
were looking at it. To his surprise, he saw an abalone shell in the 
other man's eye. By this time only bones had remained of him, for 

i '"Cradle" or "bed" is a piece of canvas (in former days tanned hide) spread on the ground and 
stretched by means of pegs or nails, before which the player participating in the so-called "game of 
guessing " was squatting, while mixing the sticks in his hands, which were held behind his back. Upon 
receiving the guessing-signal from a player of the opposite side, the sticks were thrown on the "cradle,'' 
usually one by one, while the marked stick was laid bare. 

2 The informant was mistaken in the use of these terms. " Club ' ' and ' ' ball " are used in a game 
of shinny, while the game played by the two chiefs was the favorite game of "guessing." 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 429 

the maggots had eaten up almost half of his body. The earth-chief 
was sitting there for a while, and began to think, " With what shall 
I point my finger at him? It seems that I ought to point at him with 
some very terrible thing." The sky-chief still did not look at the 
maggots. Only his bones, joined together, were sitting there. Still 
he did not look. 

Now the earth-chief said to his people, "Don't forget to seize the 
fire as soon as we win the game. — And you take hold of the water." 
One of his men said, " I will run away with the water, and you ought 
to run with the fire." The earth-chief said to the head man of the 
sky -people, "Now it is your turn to put your hands behind your 
back." All the time he was thinking to himself, "With what shall I 
point m}^ finger at him ? It seems that nothing terrifies him. It will 
be very good if I point at him with a snake." 

In the mean time the fire kept on burning. He then pointed at him 
with a snake. But he (the sky-chief) was on the lookout. The snake 
coiled around his thigh. Still he did not mind it. It crawled up to 
his waist and threatened to go into his mouth, all the while sticking 
out its tongue. Soon it seemed as if it were about to enter his nose. 
The sky-chief became afraid when he saw this. He shook off the 
snake and ran away. People were shouting at him. 

The earth people quiekty seized the fire. A very poor man ran away 
with the fire, while a little man kicked the water. Thej^ were running 
homewards. The man put the fire into his ear while running. As 
soon as the water was spilled, it began to rain. The fire was thrown 
into some willow-brush, and soon began to blaze. Thus they returned. 
From that time on, people have had fire; and from that time on, it has 
rained. Thus only the story is known. This is the end of it. 



LBJl'14 






& 



